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Alan Jones once seemed unassailable. What ended it was a peculiarly Sydney story of media, politics and power

<div class="theconversation-article-body"><a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/denis-muller-1865">Denis Muller</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/the-university-of-melbourne-722">The University of Melbourne</a> For decades it seemed Alan Jones was unassailable. A finding against him of professional misconduct by the Australian Broadcasting Authority (2000); a <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/entertainment/tv-and-radio/tribunal-upholds-that-jones-incited-hatred-20121002-26x8h.html">finding</a> that he incited hatred, serious contempt and severe ridicule of Lebanese Muslims (2009); propositions of violence against two women prime ministers (<a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2011-10-20/alan-jones-says-gillard-remark-best-left-unsaid/3579658">2011</a> and <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-05-21/alan-jones-breached-rules-in-jacinda-ardern-comment/12271476">2019</a>); verdicts against him and his employer amounting to millions of dollars in defamation actions (most notably <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-09-12/alan-jones-defamed-wagners-court-decision-brisbane-qld/10230384">one for $3.75 million</a> in 2018): none of these ended his career. Quite the reverse. Only weeks after the Australian Broadcasting Authority found in its “cash for comments” inquiry that Jones and others had misled their listeners by presenting paid endorsements as editorial opinion, he was hosting an event for then prime minister John Howard. Howard was to become a fixture on the Jones program throughout the 11 years of his prime ministership. The day after the Australian Communications and Media Authority found Jones was likely to have encouraged violence and vilification of Australians of Lebanese and Middle Eastern background, Howard <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/national/jones-wins-friends-in-high-places-20070412-ge4n4f.html">described him</a> as “an outstanding broadcaster”. “I don’t think he’s a person who encourages prejudice in the Australian community, not for one moment, but he is a person who articulates what a lot of people think.” By 2001, Jones had become a kind of on-air policy-maker for the New South Wales government. In November that year, he dined with the then Labor premier, Bob Carr. They discussed a range of government policies, particularly policing. At that time, Jones was a relentless critic of the NSW police. The following week, <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2012-10-01/newton-alan-jones/4288824">Carr dispatched</a> his police minister-designate, Michael Costa, to Jones’s home to discuss policing policy. In 2011 he said Julia Gillard, then Australia’s prime minister, should be taken out to sea and dumped in a chaff bag. In August 2019 he said Scott Morrison, who was then Australia’s prime minister, should “shove a sock” down the throat of his New Zealand counterpart Jacinda Ardern. He was an outspoken climate-change denier, and these grotesqueries were part of his campaign against political recognition of this reality. <figure><iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Od6I1YbrBoM?wmode=transparent&start=0" width="440" height="260" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></figure> Jones’s power, which made him so apparently untouchable, came from his weaponising of the microphone for conservative political ends in ways that resonated with his vast and rusted-on audience of largely working-class older people across Sydney’s sprawling western suburbs. These suburbs contain many marginal state and federal electorates where the fates of governments can be decided. Their populations provide fertile ground for seeding by right-wing radio shock jocks, of whom Jones and his rival John Laws were pre-eminent examples. In Australia, this is a peculiarly Sydney phenomenon. It is not seen to the same degree in any other capital city, even though they too have large areas of socioeconomic disadvantage like western Sydney. Why that should be so is a complex question, but there are aspects of Sydney life that mark it out as different. It is really two cities. One is the largely prosperous and scenically dazzling east and north. The other, much larger, consists of dreary tracts of increasingly crowded housing stretching for many kilometres to the west and southwest. In Sydney argot, the inhabitants of these respective worlds are called “silvertails” and “fibros”, the latter referring to the cladding of the homes that proliferated in western Sydney between and after the two world wars. This two-cities effect makes the gap between the “haves” and the “have-nots” highly visible in a way that has no parallel in other Australian capitals. It engenders deep-seated grievance and cynicism, which the likes of Jones, who lives in a multimillion-dollar apartment on Circular Quay, have relentlessly exploited. Jones coined the term “Struggle Street” to encapsulate the hardships of his listeners’ lives. To these powerless people, Jones and Laws gave a voice, and as their audiences grew, prime ministers and premiers courted and feared them. In the end, Jones’s impregnability was breached by not the power elite turning on one of their own, but by the journalism of a redoubtably tenacious Sydney Morning Herald investigative reporter, Kate McClymont. In December 2023, <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/national/he-d-go-the-grope-alan-jones-accused-of-indecently-assaulting-young-men-20231205-p5epai.html">she claimed</a> Jones had used his position of power, first as a teacher and later as the country’s top-rating radio broadcaster, to allegedly prey on a number of young men. In response to McClymont’s work, the NSW police set up Strike Force Bonnefin, run by the State Crime Command’s Child Abuse Squad, to conduct an investigation into Jones. <figure><iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/0ExkpCtfmA8?wmode=transparent&start=0" width="440" height="260" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></figure> On November 18 2024, Jones was arrested at his Circular Quay home and charged initially with 24 sexual offences against eight males. The following day, two <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2024-11-19/alan-jones-charged-with-additional-offences-nsw-police/104617680">additional charges</a> were laid involving a ninth male. Through his lawyers, Jones has denied the charges and was bailed to appear in Sydney’s Downing Centre Local Court on December 18. He <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/national/alan-jones-arrested-over-allegations-he-indecently-assaulted-young-men-20241118-p5krdu.html">was ordered</a> to surrender his passport and not to contact or harass the alleged victims. The charges relate to offences alleged to have been committed by Jones between 2001 and 2019, the youngest alleged victim being 17 at the time. Those dates coincide almost exactly with Jones’s most influential years, from 2002 to 2020. McClymont <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/national/a-stunning-development-kate-mcclymont-on-alan-jones-arrest-and-what-s-next-20241118-p5krln.html">has spoken</a> about the reluctance of some of her interviewees to speak, for fear of what Jones might do: "People were too afraid to take on Alan Jones. Once a couple of people came forward, and some people were happy to be publicly named, that gave confidence for other people to come forward.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/243942/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />" <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/denis-muller-1865">Denis Muller</a>, Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Advancing Journalism, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/the-university-of-melbourne-722">The University of Melbourne</a> Image credits: Getty Images This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/alan-jones-once-seemed-unassailable-what-ended-it-was-a-peculiarly-sydney-story-of-media-politics-and-power-243942">original article</a>. </div>

Legal

Bill Shorten quits politics and reveals his next move in heartfelt speech

Bill Shorten has announced his shock departure from politics after an almost two-decade-long career in parliament. The former Labor leader will remain in cabinet until his retirement from politics in February next year, when he will start a new career as vice chancellor of the University of Canberra. In a media conference in the Prime Minister’s courtyard on Thursday, Shorten made the shocking announcement alongside Anthony Albanese, reflecting on his career. “Over 30 years ago, when I joined the Australian Workers Union, I was driven by the belief that everyone, regardless of circumstance, deserves an equal opportunity,” Mr Shorten said. “The opportunity to fulfil their potential. Fair wages, safe workplaces, decent conditions, that is what they are all about. It’s about recognising the merit and worth of every individual. As the same principle that brought me here in 2007.” "Every day in this job, and I'm sure every member of parliament agrees, is a privileged day." He also shared his motivation behind moving into the education sector, highlighting his love of education. “Education is the modern means of taking someone from disadvantage to advantage in a way that no other method can,” Mr Shorten told a media conference in the Prime Minister’s court yard. <div> <div id="sda-INARTICLE"></div> </div> “Universities have a critical role to play. The hopes and dreams of Australians are lifted when they are able to fulfil their own potential and the hopes and dreams of our nation are lifted as well.” Albanese also praised his colleague and his extraordinary career, saying, "Through his years as leader, no-one worked harder than Bill." "No-one brought more energy, enthusiasm, ideas and ambition to advocating the need for a Labor government." Image credits: ABC

News

With more lawsuits potentially looming, should politicians be allowed to sue for defamation?

<div class="theconversation-article-body"><a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/brendan-clift-715691">Brendan Clift</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/the-university-of-melbourne-722">The University of Melbourne</a> Western Australia Senator Linda Reynolds is already <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/law/article/2024/aug/19/linda-reynolds-brittany-higgins-defamation-trial-fiona-brown-ntwnfb">embroiled</a> in a bruising defamation fight against her former staffer Brittany Higgins. Now, Opposition Leader Peter Dutton is reportedly <a href="https://www.skynews.com.au/australia-news/politics/peter-dutton-to-seek-legal-advice-after-zali-steggall-called-him-racist/video/9ce7c850f30fb1bd324831f2ec2f21b5">considering suing</a> independent MP Zali Steggall after <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/steggall-brands-dutton-a-bully-amid-spectre-of-legal-action-20240819-p5k3ez.html">she told him</a> to “stop being racist”. It has become impossible to miss the fact that our political class – including some who invoke freedom of speech while disparaging others – is remarkably keen on defamation litigation in response to actual or perceived slights. It’s rarely a good look when the powerful sue the less powerful. It is an especially bad look for a democracy when politicians, who enjoy not just power but privileged access to communication platforms, pursue legal avenues likely to bankrupt all but the best-resourced defendants. <h2>The freedom to speak one’s mind</h2> <a href="https://pages.eiu.com/rs/753-RIQ-438/images/Democracy-Index-2023-Final-report.pdf">Flawed democracies</a> such as Singapore are rightly <a href="https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-981-99-5467-4_4">condemned</a> for leveraging defamation law and compliant courts against political dissent. While Australia’s situation is less problematic, our defamation laws historically favour reputation over freedom of speech. An oft-cited case in contrast is the United States, where politicians and other public figures can succeed in defamation only if they prove the publisher knew they were communicating a falsehood, or were reckless (careless to a very high degree) as to the truth. Statements of opinion – for instance, that Donald Trump is racist – are practically never in violation of the law. In the words of the <a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/314/252/">US Supreme Court</a>: <blockquote> it is a prized American privilege to speak one’s mind, although not always with perfect good taste, on all public institutions. </blockquote> The US approach is based on the <a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/274/357/">classical liberal idea</a> that “the fitting remedy for evil counsels is good ones”: speech should generally be free, and public debate in the marketplace of ideas will sort out right and wrong. <h2>Putting conditions on free speech</h2> The argument for free speech without guardrails may be losing traction in a post-truth world. Many modern audiences, willingly or not, occupy echo chambers and filter bubbles in which biases are reinforced rather than challenged. It is almost as if the High Court of Australia foresaw this in <a href="https://www8.austlii.edu.au/cgi-bin/viewdoc/au/cases/cth/HCA/1997/25.html">a 1997 defamation case</a> where it held that Australia’s Constitution did not require total freedom of political communication. Reasonable limits were appropriate because widespread irresponsible political communication could damage the political fabric of the nation. Although the High Court reached its conclusion via <a href="https://www8.austlii.edu.au/cgi-bin/viewdoc/au/journals/SydLawRw/2005/2.html">textual interpretation</a> of the Constitution rather than deeper philosophical musings, the court’s position reflects modern preoccupations with how speech should be regulated in a democracy. But the political appetite for defamation litigation in this country suggests the law has not yet struck the right balance. <h2>The point of defamation law</h2> <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/nsw/business-owner-can-t-sue-over-one-star-google-review-judge-rules-20230124-p5cf05.html">Recent reforms</a> to defamation law have tried to eliminate frivolous lawsuits by introducing a threshold requirement of serious harm to reputation. A better approach may have been to presume that all defamation is trivial. Unlike other civil wrongs, which often result in physical injury or property damage, defamation’s effect on a person’s reputation is intangible. Unfairly tarnished reputations can usually be repaired by a public apology and correction, perhaps aided by nominal compensation for hurt feelings and to deter further defamation. It is therefore a mystery why courts and legislatures have allowed defamation proceedings to become some of the most complex and expensive civil claims around, and why damages are <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-australia-48379980">so large</a>. A high-profile case can easily generate <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2024/apr/24/bruce-lehrmann-defamation-trial-legal-costs-channel-10-brittany-higgins-rape-allegation-ntwnfb">millions of dollars</a> in legal costs on both sides, dwarfing the final award which might itself run to hundreds of thousands of dollars. Taiwan offers a useful contrast. There, although politicians can sue for defamation, proceedings are relatively simple and damages are <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2668444">much smaller</a> – one might say proportionate to the harm done. Under both approaches, the successful litigant, whether it be the publisher or the person whose reputation has suffered, is vindicated. Surely that is the point. Where only the wealthy can afford to assert their rights, and where vindication of reputation takes a back seat to airing grievances, punishing opponents and enriching lawyers, defamation law is in a state of dysfunction. <h2>Should pollies sue?</h2> It’s sometimes said that politicians should not be able to sue for defamation at all because they themselves can say what they like under the protection of <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/about_parliament/house_of_representatives/powers_practice_and_procedure/00_-_infosheets/infosheet_5_-_parliamentary_privilege#:%7E:text=What%20is%20parliamentary%20privilege%3F,the%20law%20of%20the%20Commonwealth.">parliamentary privilege</a>, immune from defamation and other speech laws. Parliamentarians do enjoy that protection, but its personal benefit is secondary. Parliamentary privilege, like courtroom privilege, exists because the nature of democratic (and judicial) deliberation requires that anything can be said. If a politician steps outside parliament and repeats a defamatory statement first made within its walls, they are vulnerable to being sued. <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-03-03/sarah-hanson-young-david-leyonhjelm-defamation-appeal/13210042">David Leyonhjelm</a> learned this the hard way, and <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/steggall-brands-dutton-a-bully-amid-spectre-of-legal-action-20240819-p5k3ez.html">Steggall</a> may, too. It’s reasonable that politicians should also have rights of action in defamation. But those rights must be constrained according to what is appropriate in a democratic society. A way to better align defamation law with democratic expectations may be to return cases to the state courts and reinstate juries to a prominent role. Currently, the <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/national/the-death-of-juries-and-the-rise-of-blockbuster-federal-court-defamation-trials-20240125-p5ezyv.html">overwhelming majority</a> of cases are brought in the Federal Court, where they are decided by a judge sitting alone. If a public figure claims their reputation has been tarnished in the eyes of the community, we should test that factual claim with members of that community under the legal guidance of a judge. That might make for a welcome injection of common sense.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/237026/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/brendan-clift-715691">Brendan Clift</a>, Lecturer in Law, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/the-university-of-melbourne-722">The University of Melbourne</a> Image credits: Instagram This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/with-more-lawsuits-potentially-looming-should-politicians-be-allowed-to-sue-for-defamation-237026">original article</a>. </div>

Legal

Your choice of holiday destination is a political act

<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/brendan-canavan-228682">Brendan Canavan</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-huddersfield-1226">University of Huddersfield</a> <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OCDd7hl3tLw">Tickets, money, passports!</a> We all know what to check for during that last minute packing panic. But preparing for your holidays is about more than what you squeeze into your suitcase. It is about making a political choice. Tourism is an industry tied up with national and international politics like no other. Tourists are a source of foreign exchange, governments promote themselves through visitors, and politicians quite often worry about the social freedom that tourism can nurture. For these reasons tourists are both courted and scapegoated. At the most basic level tourism counts as an export industry. It is a source of foreign currency and can help to prop up a nation financially. However, local people often see few of the benefits of hosting tourists. Large organisations tend to control much of the tourism industry. These frequently pay little in the way of <a href="https://www.taxjustice.net/2015/11/09/guest-blog-sun-sea-sand-tourism-and-fantasy-finance/">local taxes</a>. Meanwhile local people shoulder much of the burden of sharing their space and facilities with visitors. Some <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09669582.2016.1206112">indigenous people</a> have asked foreign tourists to stay away. They have argued that tourism is threatening their culture, damaging their land’s ecosystems, and is a form of colonialism. In <a href="http://files.hawaii.gov/dbedt/visitor/sustainable-tourism-project/drafts/Native-Hawaiian-Impact-Report.pdf">Hawaii</a>, attempts are being made to reconcile some of the issues arising from the tourism industry over-exploiting an open and hospitable native culture. Where you spend your holiday money therefore contributes to legitimising particular politicians and their policies. However, tourists don’t just bring money into a destination. They also bring social and cultural inputs. Tourism has been associated with liberalising social values, empowering minorities, and even spreading democracy. In Spain, for example, the growth of tourism, initiated under the dictator, Francisco Franco, as a means of propping up an ailing economy, has been suggested as helping to usher in democratic change. Hosts and guests <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261517715300224">exchange observations and ideas</a>. They form relationships. And they stimulate <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261517705000865">mutual creativity</a>. It is only in the past 20 years that China began to allow its people to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/aug/05/only-governments-can-stem-tide-of-tourism-sweeping-the-globe">freely travel abroad</a> after decades of forced isolation. Politicians are frequently fearful of the subversive ideas and awkward questions that travellers might bring back with them. A residual mistrust of tourists can see them scapegoated by politicians looking to place convenient blame. <a href="http://web.mit.edu/11.951/oldstuff/albacete/Course%20Reader/Culture%20and%20History/Tremlett%202006%20Chapter%204.pdf">In Barcelona</a>, a city dependent on tourism for its late 20th-century revival, tourists are being made increasingly unwelcome. They are blamed for increasing costs of living for residents, rather than the broader challenges of inequality and financial stagnation that raise uncomfortable questions about local political capacity. <h2>Image control</h2> Tourism is also a way for governments to assert their ideologies – internally and externally. Visitors to <a href="https://www.tripadvisor.co.uk/Attraction_Review-g147271-d147980-Reviews-Museum_of_the_Revolution_Museo_de_la_Revolucion-Havana_Ciudad_de_la_Habana_Provinc.html">Cuba</a> for example, can visit the Museum of the Revolution, reportedly one of the top things to do in Havana. Research has shown that the exhibits <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0160738399001152">sold as heritage</a> to tourists prioritise certain specific stories and can silence others. Over time the official narrative becomes established and other perspectives may be forgotten. <a href="https://historicengland.org.uk/whats-new/news/england-queer-history-recognised-recorded-celebrated">Historic England</a> has, for example, recently begun to try and include the often overlooked queer history of many heritage sites. Meanwhile tourism can be a means of raising and modifying a country’s image on the world stage. Israel has for many years used gay tourism to soften its international image by making the country seem progressive in a part of the world which generally is not. Dubai has established itself in the same region as a deluxe playground filled with sights and indulgence like nowhere else. However, the commitments of both of these destination’s governments to the touristic image they sell is debateable. LGBTQ people in Israel recently had restrictions placed upon their <a href="https://www.newsweek.com/protests-erupt-israel-lgbt-surrogacy-law-approved-1034931">right to surrogacy</a> by their parliament. Meanwhile Dubai is well known for its cases of people facing severe judicial sentences for acts as innocuous as accidentally <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/oct/22/briton-jailed-for-three-months-in-dubai-for-touching-mans-hip">brushing another man’s bum</a>. <h2>Having a better holiday</h2> On the one hand the image sold to tourists is often not the same as the reality faced by like-minded people living within a country. On the other, tourists may themselves be expected to conform to regulations they would not agree with or accept back home. The power of tourism is not lost on political actors. Recently the Chinese government successfully put <a href="https://theconversation.com/taiwan-how-airlines-are-being-dragged-into-chinas-bitter-dispute-over-the-islands-sovereignty-100932">pressure on international airlines</a> to stop referring to Taiwan as a country or face retaliation. Tourists should not leave it up to politicians to exploit their desire for exploration for self-interested purposes. We need to appreciate our power as consumers; supporting destinations that celebrate tourism as a means of mutually rewarding host-guest exchanges and boycotting those which do not. Tourists have a lot of potential influence. They should use it to hold politicians to account. So there are a few things to consider when planning your holiday. Find out whether your travel provider committed to investing in local taxes, jobs and suppliers. Research the attitudes of local residents towards tourism beforehand in order that you can be a better guest. Bring back more than a nice tan by swapping ideas, stories and phone numbers. Check the public image of a destination matches its private one and don’t support hypocrites. And finally, be aware of politicians using tourism to bully those with whom they don’t agree – and be prepared to call them out.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/100846/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/brendan-canavan-228682">Brendan Canavan</a>, Senior Lecturer in Marketing, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-huddersfield-1226">University of Huddersfield</a> Image credits: Getty Images This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/your-choice-of-holiday-destination-is-a-political-act-100846">original article</a>.

International Travel

Taking a cruise? Here are 10 things polite people never do on cruises

Argue in the cabin Especially late at night, be courteous. “Cruise ship rooms tend to have thin walls; therefore you always want to be respectful when you’re walking through hallways so as not to disturb other guests,” says Bonnie Tsai, founder and director of Beyond Etiquette. “This also includes being as quiet as you can when you’re inside your cabin.” Cruisers who really want to avoid as much noise as possible shouldn’t book their room under the gym or pool deck, if possible. Pretend the cruise is a personal yacht The ship is your home away from home for a set amount of time. You should still keep in mind your behaviour and presentation, according to Tsai. “There’s no need to show off your immense collection of expensive jewellery or wear lingerie or PJs in the hallways,” she says. There are plenty of other guests sharing the same space, and they may not want to see your plaid PJs. Hog lounge chairs It’s impolite to save seats for your family and friends, whether it’s by the pool or in the theatre. Tsai says if you must save a seat, do so for only 30 minutes. Ships have a limited amount of seating, so be mindful. Another important tip to keep in mind is if your group wants to sit together, show up at the same time. “If it’s a situation where every lounger is sure to be occupied by 10 am, many cruises allow guests to place towels on loungers for a maximum of 30 minutes before they arrive,” Tsai says. “Gauge the situation and act with consideration for other guests.” Don’t fall for one of the most common cruise misconceptions, either. Spread germs If you’re not feeling so great during your cruise, do your best to keep your germs to yourself. “When one person is sick on a cruise, it’s easy for the whole ship to get infected as everyone’s staying in close quarters,” Tsai says. If you feel a cold coming on, try to avoid being in overly-crowded areas, so you don’t get others sick as well. And always cover your mouth with the nook of your elbow when you cough or sneeze. Skip the tip Many major cruise lines charge a daily fee for tips, but lots of people have confusion about tipping, according to Tsai. Confirm the tipping policy before booking your cruise. “If the cruise line doesn’t include tip in your payment, be sure to factor that into your budget when you plan for your trip,” Tsai says. “If tipping isn’t included and there is a standard tipping policy, then be sure to deliver it to the staff who’s helped you during your trip.” If tipping is expected, it’s customary for room service, dining services, childcare, and any additional alcohol. Constantly complain There’s no reason to be rude if something doesn’t go your way during the cruise. Polite people never take issues out on crew members, according to Emilie Dulles, an event protocol and etiquette expert. “The crew is there to ensure that every traveller has the best experience onboard possible, yet they are also skilled human beings who should be treated with respect, grace, and kindness,” Dulles says. “Nothing is as tacky as yelling at a server, or complaining at the turn-down staff for forgetting an extra blanket, or hitting on a mixologist after one too many daiquiris.” Pay respect and attention to cruise workers. Drink too much Everyone should enjoy their cruise, and if that means sipping on fruity cocktails, that’s your business. If drinking regularly isn’t something you do, or you don’t know how to handle your liquor, it could lead to lots of rude behaviour. “Inhibitions go down as blood alcohol content goes up, so to avoid embarrassing oneself and disrupting other travellers’ cruise experience, it’s more polite to keep one’s cocktail count in check,” Dulles says. Let kids run wild Many families don’t keep a close eye on their kids while on a cruise, Dulles says. “There are assigned areas for children to run, jump, and be themselves with full energy under the supervision of trained staff,” Dulles says. “The entire ship is not their playground.” Polite people recognise that not all cruise travellers want to see or hear kids all the time. Mind the signs that show what areas are only for adults, families, or kids. “By respecting those boundaries, not only will children enjoy themselves more, but also adults will be able to relax and make the most of their time at sea.” Some cruises are especially for families. Hoard food All-inclusive food is very alluring. It’s easy to take things to the extreme. And although the buffet is tempting, remember not to be wasteful. “When it comes to the all-inclusive aspect of cruise voyages, many travellers will see this as an opportunity of getting as much as possible out of their fare,” Dulles says. “By piling more food than they can consume on their buffet plate and ordering cocktail after cocktail just because they can, travellers can be very wasteful and inconsiderate towards the crew who spends a lot of time and energy putting together the meals and drinks available.” Instead, take enough food for one sitting. You can always choose to go back for seconds, but this is more elegant than throwing away platefuls of perfectly good food. Dress inappropriately During the daytime, there are generally no dress code requirements on cruises. Tsai notes, however, if you plan on a formal dining experience with other guests, dress appropriately for the occasion. Generally, dress code requirements for the evening are in the cruise’s daily program, according to Tsai. Image credits: Getty Images This article originally appeared on <a href="https://www.readersdigest.com.au/travel/10-things-polite-people-never-do-on-cruises" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Reader's Digest</a>.

Cruising

Should the voting age in Australia be lowered to 16?

<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/intifar-chowdhury-741153">Intifar Chowdhury</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/australian-national-university-877">Australian National University</a> Attempts to lower the voting age in Australia to 16 have been historically <a href="https://law.unimelb.edu.au/centres/errn/about/past-events/lowering-the-voting-age-in-australia">unsuccessful</a>. More recently, the <a href="https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=2ahUKEwik97j_5d__AhWBSWwGHX-2BWoQFnoECBAQAQ&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.makeit16.au%2F&usg=AOvVaw3O0c90Y1uz8y5KvToM7e_Y&opi=89978449">Make It 16 campaign</a> has been advocating for the enfranchisement of 16 and 17-year-olds, but with <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-06-13/lowering-the-voting-age-to-16/102473606">no fines</a> for under 18s who fail to cast their ballots. Voluntary or not, lowering the voting age will have consequences for how political behaviour shapes political outcomes, especially for issues that particularly interest the young, such as climate change, cost of living, mental health and wellbeing. Younger people tend to be more <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2023/jun/28/young-australians-far-less-likely-than-parents-to-vote-coalition-as-they-get-older-report-finds">progressive</a> in their views. This in turn would alter the make-up of the Australian electorate at each election or referendum. The addition of socially progressive voters might well be <a href="https://reporter.anu.edu.au/all-stories/young-people-may-decide-the-outcome-of-the-voice-referendum-heres-why">decisive</a> on a highly contentious and divisive issue such as the Indigenous Voice to Parliament. <h2>Who should have the right to vote?</h2> In 1973, following mass youth casualties in the Vietnam War, Australia’s voting age was lowered from 21 to 18. The reasoning behind this centred on equity: if 18-year-olds were old enough to fight and die, they should be old enough to vote. Today’s equity arguments centre on taxation: many 16 and 17-year-olds pay tax and therefore should have equal rights to representation. However, this representation logic is not <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Committees/Joint/Electoral_Matters/VotingAge/Advisory_report/section?id=committees%2Freportjnt%2F024195%2F26301#:%7E:text=Civics%20education,-2.81&text=Lowering%20the%20voluntary%20voting%20age,for%20politics%20and%20civics%20education.">unique</a> to 16 and 17-year-olds. It applies equally well to those under 16, as well as to tourists and temporary residents, who pay tax but do not have the right to vote. Beyond the taxation argument, the franchise has been aligned with other adult responsibilities such as driving a car and consenting to sex. An important point of distinction, though, is the motivation: do they actually want to vote? Although enthusiastic young leaders are driving campaigns such as Make It 16, we cannot be confident that a subset of politically engaged young people is representative of the Australian youth. There is no question about the cognitive abilities of 16 to 17-year-olds to engage with the electoral process. But there is little longitudinal data to firmly establish that younger people are <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/everyday/do-young-people-care-about-politics/10905604">enthused</a> about voting. That is not to say young people are not <a href="https://theconversation.com/young-australians-are-supposedly-turning-their-backs-on-democracy-but-are-they-any-different-from-older-voters-163891">interested in politics</a>. <a href="https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/bitstream/1885/292274/2/Full%20Thesis%20Revisions_clean%20copy.pdf">Evidence</a> from Australia and elsewhere shows young people engage differently: their engagement with politics is based more on issues than party loyalties. Being able to vote would mean younger people feel less excluded and alienated from politics. However, critics <a href="https://www.news.com.au/national/politics/gen-z-pushing-for-australias-voting-age-to-be-lowered-to-16/news-story/ba9103ed2b5bb825b9178b6efb52a1d9">worry</a> voluntary voting for 16 to 17-year-olds would weaken compulsory voting. Australia’s compulsory voting means it has <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10361146.2021.1899131">resisted</a> youth electoral disengagement at the polls, which has markedly happened in other non-compulsory voting democracies. Given the highly transitory life stage they are in, young people are more likely to abstain if voting is voluntary. This would also run the risk of imprinting the habit of abstention. <h2>What does the evidence suggest?</h2> Data from the Australian Election Study <a href="https://australianelectionstudy.org/wp-content/uploads/McAllister-Voting-Age-2014.pdf">suggest</a> lowering the voting age would not invigorate electoral participation. It is likely early enfranchisement alone <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Committees/Joint/Electoral_Matters/VotingAge/Advisory_report/section?id=committees%2Freportjnt%2F024195%2F26301#footnote28target">will not be a panacea</a> for youth engagement. Rather, there are concerns that voluntary voting might further exacerbate the problem of lower youth enrolment. My <a href="https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/bitstream/1885/292274/2/Full%20Thesis%20Revisions_clean%20copy.pdf">comparative study</a> of youth electoral disengagement in advanced democracies studied a suite of institutional factors, including: <ul> <li>electoral system (majoritarian versus proportional)</li> <li>type of executive (parliamentary/presidential)</li> <li>type of system (federal/unitary)</li> <li>party system (two/multi)</li> <li>voting age (16-21).</li> </ul> I found that, even when controlling for compulsory voting, it is the registration system that significantly influences generational engagement at the polls. Transition to adulthood is characterised by increasing mobility in every aspect of life. On top of this, registration rules make it difficult for young people without a permanent, long-term residence to register to vote. Within the voluntary registration system, young people are especially disadvantaged since new eligible voters are often unfamiliar with the registration system, including how and where to register to vote. Consequently, many confused, eligible voters inadvertently miss voter registration deadlines. Current <a href="https://www.aec.gov.au/Enrolling_to_vote/Enrolment_stats/performance/national-youth.htm">evidence</a> shows voter enrolment is lowest among those aged 18-24, at 89.5%, compared to a <a href="https://www.aec.gov.au/enrolling_to_vote/enrolment_stats/">national figure</a> of 97.2%. However, what has been largely missing in the voting age debate is that lowering it to 16 may be a way to redress this enrolment discrepancy. It may be an institutional design feature that could cater to youth transition: 16-17-year-olds are more likely to be in parental homes when they enrol and then finally vote. This may help attract and keep them as active voters as they gain independence. <h2>What does this mean for (major) parties?</h2> The Coalition’s historic low support among young voters in the <a href="https://australianelectionstudy.org/wp-content/uploads/The-2022-Australian-Federal-Election-Results-from-the-Australian-Election-Study.pdf">2022 federal election</a> may be a symptom of a long-lasting generational shift in the electorate. In the past two elections, only 26% of Gen Z voters, born after 1996, reported voting for the Coalition, while 67% of them voted either for the Greens or Labor. Although historically young people have tended to become more conservative as they age, <a href="https://www.afr.com/politics/millennials-are-getting-older-but-not-more-conservative-20221205-p5c3na">recent evidence</a> suggests voters born after 1980 are not doing that. Extrapolating this trajectory of voting preferences, the addition of more socially progressive, issue-based younger voters will potentially benefit the left-of-centre parties, particularly the Greens. One political reason for Labor’s reluctance to lower the voting age seems to be the stark popularity of the Greens among Gen Z voters, which would increase the Greens threat to the incumbent. Over the years, both major parties have been losing their (youth) votes to the Greens. Lowering the voting age may well pronounce this. <h2>What would it mean for young voters?</h2> Given the context of compulsory voting, Australia is best placed to implement the lowering of voting age to reap the benefits of engaging younger voters to the electorate. Much <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/push-to-follow-overseas-lead-and-lower-voting-age-to-16-gains-momentum-20220401-p5aa3o.html">has been said</a> about how this would improve youth representation, efficacy and outcomes. However, lowering the voting age might not address the problem of <a href="https://www.policyforum.net/overly-suspicious-youth-or-dodgy-politicians/">youth distrust</a> of politicians and the widening gap between younger generations and political parties. This would require a sincere effort to understand what causes the drift, before enfranchising younger voters and loosely tying them to a voluntary voting system. In fact, there is a real risk that voluntary voting might encourage the type of abstention driven by a strong dislike for politicians. Enfranchising hundreds and thousands of additional voters would also inevitably raise the issues of ensuring proper enrolment and that young voters are well informed to vote. It would need to be accompanied by a major boost to <a href="https://theconversation.com/schools-are-not-adequately-preparing-young-australians-to-participate-in-our-democracy-88131">civics education</a> in Australian secondary schools. All in all, while compulsory voting is the best system for lowering the voting age, we’d have to be careful not to undermine the system as it stands. Instead, it is important to tie it to efforts to inform younger voters and reduce the age-related barriers in a (compulsory) electoral process.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/208095/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/intifar-chowdhury-741153">Intifar Chowdhury</a>, Youth Researcher, Centre for Social Research and Methods, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/australian-national-university-877">Australian National University</a> Image credits: Getty Images This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/should-the-voting-age-in-australia-be-lowered-to-16-208095">original article</a>.

Legal

Indigenous Voice to Parliament: How will it alter the country?

Australians will soon be heading to the polls to submit their vote for the Voice to Parliament. The laws that will allow the national poll to be conducted passed parliament, with the government’s Constitution Alteration Bill passing the senate with 52 votes to 19. The passage of the Bill through parliament led to a six-month period in which the referendum must be held. The Albanese government have already announced Aussies will be able to vote in the national poll between October and December. The government is yet to confirm an official date, but all referendums must be held on a Saturday, and that date raises the question: “A proposed law: to alter the constitution to recognise the first peoples of Australia by establishing an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander voice, do you approve of this proposed alteration?” The proposed law that Australians will be asked to approve at the referendum would insert the following lines into the Constitution. To recognise Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as the First Peoples of Australia: There shall be a body, to be called the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice; <ol> <li>The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice may make representations to the Parliament and the Executive Government of the Commonwealth on matters relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples;</li> <li>The Parliament shall, subject to this Constitution, have power to make laws with respect to matters relating to the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice, including its composition, functions, powers and procedures.”</li> <li>The Parliament shall, subject to this Constitution, have power to make laws with respect to matters relating to the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice, including its composition, functions, powers and procedures.”</li> </ol> For the referendum to succeed, an overwhelming majority of voters in most states need to vote “Yes”. Speaking to news.com.au Yes 23 campaigner Dean Parkin and No campaign spokeswoman Senator Jacinta Nampijinpa Price both concluded the outcome would have a major impact both symbolically and on a practical level. Park said a successful Yes vote would send a powerful message of “what it means to be genuinely, uniquely Australian in the world is to be home to the oldest continuing culture on earth”. “That’s something a lot of people have pride in, and it’s the thing that makes us genuinely unique, and now every Australian gets to connect their own existing story and deeply held view of being Australian to 65,000 years of history,” he said. “That will strengthen and enrich all of our sense of what it means to be Australian. It’s not just about Indigenous people and doing something nice for 3 per cent of the population, it’s something that will benefit every Australian.” Senator Jacinta Nampijinpa Price weighed in on the No vote, arguing that “a vote against the voice in this referendum is a vote for a country united in the face of an effort to divide us along the lines of race”. It’s a vote for standing together, shoulder to shoulder as equals, to solve the tragic issue of Aboriginal disadvantage,” she said. “It’s a vote for fulfilling the promise of Australia’s constitution that we can all come from different backgrounds and cultures across the world and play a part in making our nation successful and prosperous. “We are a country that believes in a fair go. We are all equals, we all deserve to be treated the same way in our national rule book.” She noted that claims by pro-voice activists that a Yes vote would solve Indigenous disadvantage are “wrong and misleading”. “They talk a big game about ‘closing the gap’, but they don’t say how this will be done. In fact, there are no details at all,” she said. “But we already know what we need to do to help in my communities. “Kids going to school, adults working in real jobs, social stability in communities so people want to live, work and invest in them. The divisive voice won’t do this.” The Senator added that while there is “no doubt there would be widespread support within the Australian community” for Indigenous recognition in the constitution, by voting No, “Australians would be sending a strong signal to the government to embark on a unifying process that could be supported by all Australians”. Image credit: Getty

Legal

Oscar-winning politician Glenda Jackson passes away at 87

Two-time Academy Award-winning performer-turned-politician Glenda Jackson has passed away at 87 years old. The news was confirmed by Jackson’s agent, Lionel Larner, who announced that she had died at home in London after a short illness. Larner also noted that Jackson had “recently completed filming The Great Escaper in which she co-starred with Michael Caine.” And 90-year-old Caine had only kind words to say of his co-star, sharing that she was “one of our greatest movie actresses. I shall miss her.” Jackson was born into a working-class family in northwest England, and laid the groundwork for her career in the arts when she won a spot at London’s Royal Academy of Dramatic Art. Her work as an actress was successful, with Jackson taking home her first Academy Award for Best Actress in 1971 and her second in 1974 - for Women in Love and A Touch of Class respectively. Jackson also held two Emmy Award wins, both for her portrayal of Queen Elizabeth I in the series Elizabeth R. She wasn’t to be stopped there, either, with the star also taking home a Tony Award in 2018 for her performance in Three Tall Women. But after more than three decades in the arts, Jackson chose a different path for herself, branching into the world of politics, fuelled by her frustration for the working classes at the hands of then-British Conservative prime minister Margaret Thatcher between 1979 and 1990. And at 55 years old, in 1992, Jackson secured a seat in parliament. As she said at the time, “we must work for the poor, the homeless, the unemployed, the frail, the sick.” Jackson spent 23 years with the Labour Party, and even served as a minister for transport in Tony Blair’s first government in 1997. However, the two seemed to find themselves on opposing sides when it came to the 2003 invasion of Iraq, with Jackson admitting that the decisions made left her feeling “deeply, deeply ashamed. "The victims will be as they always are, women, children, the elderly.” After leaving politics in 2015, Jackson chose to return to performing, where she went on to enjoy some of the most acclaimed roles of her entire career. And for all of her passion and success, Jackson is remembered fondly by her loved ones - those who knew her beyond her work, and those who supported her for it - who flocked to social media to pay tribute. “Glenda Jackson was both the best actress of our generation and an incredibly principled passionate and eloquent advocate of social justice as an MP and as a government minister. I will remember her as a friend whom I admired greatly and what she achieved will never be forgotten,” former-prime minister for the United Kingdom, Gordon Brown, wrote. “Very sad to hear of the passing of Glenda Jackson. An acclaimed actress, a formidable politician and an inspirational woman to so many of us in the Labour Party,” British politician Angela Rayner said. “My thoughts are with her family, friends and many others who loved her.” “Devastated to hear that my predecessor Glenda Jackson has died. A formidable politician, an amazing actress and a very supportive mentor to me. Hampstead and Kilburn will miss you Glenda,” friend and fellow politician Tulip Siddiq said. And, as her friends and fans the Muppets wrote, “here’s to Glenda Jackson, legendary actress and scourge of the Seven Seas! In her unforgettable episode of The Muppet Show, she and her merry band of plundering pirates turned our theatre into a ship and set out to sea. “We’ll always treasure the time we spent with you, Glenda.” <blockquote class="twitter-tweet"> Here’s to Glenda Jackson, legendary actress and scourge of the Seven Seas! In her unforgettable episode of The Muppet Show, she and her merry band of plundering pirates turned our theater into a ship and set out to sea. We’ll always treasure the time we spent with you, Glenda. <a href="https://t.co/zQ8cPVc8Jk">pic.twitter.com/zQ8cPVc8Jk</a> — The Muppets (@TheMuppets) <a href="https://twitter.com/TheMuppets/status/1669398500243587092?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">June 15, 2023</a></blockquote> Images: Getty

News

"Exhausted" Premier Mark McGowan calls it quits

Western Australia Premier Mark McGowan has announced he is stepping down as premier and member for Rockingham after six years, saying he is “exhausted”. McGowan announced his resignation after calling a snap press conference in Perth and read out a “brief statement” to reporters. "Today I am announcing that I will be stepping down as Premier and member for Rockingham," the statement read. "I was elected premier of Western Australia in March 2017, more than six years ago. Prior to that I served as Opposition Leader for more than six years. "Now is the right time to step away from the job I love.” McGowan said he is stepping down partly because he is confident Labor will win the next state election. "I'm tired, extremely tired. In fact, I'm exhausted," he said. "The role of political leadership does not stop, it is relentless, with huge responsibility but it is all consuming, each and every day. And combined with the COVID-19 years, it has taken it out of me. "I'm convinced WA Labor can win and will win the next election in 2025. But I just don't have the energy or drive that is required to continue in the role as Premier.” He revealed he had been considering stepping down for a while, and will take a break after he finishes. "It is not a decision I have taken lightly, I've been considering it for quite a while," he said. "I will leave Parliament and leave the role by the end of this week. It will be up to my colleagues to select my replacement. "I don't want to finish work completely. Once I am rested and recuperated, I will look for something else to do.” McGowan thanked his wife Sarah and three children, Samuel, Alexander and Amelia, for their support over the years. "To my family can I pass on my love and thanks, being Premier takes a huge toll on family life," he said. "Thank you for every thing over so many hard years.” The politician added that he is a “phone call away” should his successor ever need advice. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said he had spoken to McGowan and congratulated him on his retirement, commending the work he’s done for Western Australia. "Mark leaves office as he led, on his own terms and as his own man. He has been a great Premier of his proud state, an extraordinary leader for WA Labor and a trusted friend," Albanese said. "Above all, Mark will be remembered for seeing the people of Western Australia safely through one of the most challenging crises in our nation's history. In unprecedented times, Mark always held to his convictions and always sought to do the right thing by his state. "I wish Mark, Sarah and their family all the very best for the next chapter of their lives.” Throughout his time as state leader, McGowan has faced several challenges including threats against himself and his family, and pressure over his strict handling of Covid-19. In November 2021, McGowan and his family had considered moving out of their home in Rockingham after threats were allegedly made against them. Police charged two men over phone calls made to the state premier, which allegedly included threats to behead his wife and children. “In terms of my own family, obviously it’s not pleasant. It’s not very nice and I just urge the people doing it to stop,” McGowan told reporters at the time. According to police, a 20-year-old from Canning Vale and an 18-year-old from Harrisdale allegedly called the premier personally and issued threats via voicemail. McGowan copped serious backlash for mandating vaccinations and locking down WA’s borders during the pandemic. Despite the criticism, the WA government continued to pursue a 90 per cent vaccination rate. “It’s not going to change our approach. We’re going to continue to work to get West Australians vaccinated,” he said. “We’re going to continue with the rules we’ve put in place because that is what is needed.” McGowan has also been approached and verbally abused by protesters on several occasions. He was confronted by Covid-19 protesters opposed to mandatory vaccinations, with a mob seen swarming his car. The encounter was captured on video and the premier is seen walking to his car before he was descended upon by a group shouting and holding signs. A woman attempted to approach the premier and his security, demanding he “give us our jobs back”. As the politician stepped into his car, the group called him a “f***ing coward” while banging on the vehicle’s windows. “Aren’t you down here to convince us?” one woman yelled. “We will rise up,” another remarked as he drove off. McGowan was also involved in a legal battle, with mining magnate Clive Palmer taking him and the state of WA to court multiple times during the pandemic. Both men fell short of a victory in the defamation trial after they sued each other in the NSW Federal Court, with $5,000 in damage awarded to Palmer and $20,000 to McGowan. “Both men went too far in their political jousting and both men litigated, but only one was willing to draw back and avoid the long and costly hearing,” Justice Michael Lee said after the trial. Palmer had claimed that the politician defamed him in multiple comments including that he was a “threat” to WA. McGowan countersued Palmer’s claims that he “lied” to the public about Covid-19, among several other comments. The defamation trial came about after Palmer lost his High Court battle with WA over its harsh border. Palmer sought $30 billion from the state after claiming that legislation introduced but WA Labor was unconstitutional. The bill amended a 2002 state agreement with Palmer’s Mineralogy company and was designed to bar him from suing over a decision by the previous Liberal government to not assess one of his mining projects. “Time and time again, Clive Palmer has attempted to bring our state down – first, by challenging the hard border that kept Western Australians safe through a pandemic, and then by launching an outrageous legal claim for damages,” the politician said in a social media post. Palmer responded to McGowan’s resignation on Twitter with, “Goodbye, Mark McGowan, Goodbye.” In addition to the considerable obstacles he’s faced, McGowan was also involved in a car accident. The premier was fortunately uninjured, and the woman who hit him was on her way to her first day at a new job. Despite hearing a large bang, McGowan said there was only minor damage to the car. “I’m fine. It wasn’t that bad,” he told Seven West Media. “We were just coming around a corner and another car sort of hit us, it felt worse than it was. “It was all very dramatic, I think, for her, but she was great. She was good-humoured, a bit shaken up, a bit shocked but we had a good chat.” Image credit: Getty

News

10 polite habits nail techs actually dislike – and what to do instead

Nail salon etiquette mistakes Repeat after us: Pampering yourself is important. An easy way to do just that? Getting a manicure. Not only is it relatively affordable, but prettily painted nails can also put an extra pep in your step. Of course, the nail tech who does your manicure plays a large role in making you feel so good: From that wonderful hand massage to getting your cuticles in tip-top shape, their skills can make a huge difference. So, it only makes sense that you’d want to treat them really well. But here’s the thing: Certain seemingly polite etiquette rules can actually make a nail tech’s job harder. Plus, while it’s important to be nice, you don’t have to try extra hard to make their life easier. “A manicure is your time off, so you should relax,” says Karina Medrano, a nail technician. So what does that mean? It means there are certain polite habits that are totally a must. And then there are other moves you can (and should) skip so you can focus on your own relaxation. Since it can be hard to identify exactly what most people dislike, we turned to the pros to fill us in on polite moves that are actually etiquette mistakes at the nail salon. Anticipating their next move Over the course of your manicure, your nail tech will likely move your hands around a bit – turning them over to apply lotion and rotating each finger to paint your tips with the best nail polish. If you’ve had a number of manicures, you may even be able to anticipate what they’ll need you to do next and be tempted to save them from having to tell you how to move. Don’t do it. “Many times, clients position themselves in a way that seems to be helpful, but it’s the contrary,” says Medrano. You may make the wrong move and actually mess up their paint job, causing them to have to start over. Do this instead: “It’s best to let your nail tech move you around,” says Medrano. “There is no need to tense up – just relax.” Put simply, wait for them to direct you. One way to make that easier is to pay attention to what’s going on. If you have headphones on and are listening to music or a podcast, keep it at a low enough volume that you can hear your technician if they need you to do something. Keeping the conversation going When you’re getting your nails done, you’re literally face to face with your manicurist. Because of this, you may feel like it’s your job to chat with them and keep them entertained. But there’s no need to rack your brain for conversation starters. This is a job, and there is zero expectation that you should keep your nail tech entertained, says Medrano. If you want to chat, no problem. If you don’t? Well, that’s OK too. Do this instead: If you’d prefer quiet, Medrano says that it’s become totally normal to ask for a “silent appointment”. You can either let the salon know when you book your appointment or you can mention to your tech when you sit down that you are going to use the appointment to relax and have some quiet time. Giving a colour a chance when you don't like it You arrive at the salon and are faced with a wall of nail polish colours. Whether you want the trendiest colour of the season or just what you’re in the mood for, you’ll probably spend some time debating the perfect shade. Fast-forward to the moment your manicurist is slicking it on, and – you’re not so sure about it. But you feel bad and want to give it a chance. Maybe you’ll like it once the second coat is on, right? And you’d hate to make the tech take it off and start over. “For many, the hardest time to speak up during their appointment is when they don’t like the colour,” says Medrano. “But it’s better to tell us the second you start doubting your choice. Applying the colour is the most time-consuming part, and catching the colour change before doing all 10 fingers helps us stay on track with our appointments.” Plus, your nail tech wants you to walk away happy! Do this instead: If you’re not feeling the colour, speak up as soon as possible. You can simply tell them you’re not sure you like it. Then, tell them what you don’t like – maybe the red you chose is too orange or the pink is too sheer. They may be able to suggest another shade that is what you are looking for. After all, they see lots of different colours every day. Removing your own gel If you get gel manicures, you know that removing that type of polish can take a long time. You have to sit with remover on your nails for a while before the gel can be scraped away. But trying to do it at home to save time and work for your nail tech is not advisable. Gel polish needs to be removed in a certain way to minimise damage, warns nail artist Braelinn Frank. If you try to remove it yourself and wreck your nails, your tech will be left trying to get them back into shape to prevent your nails from peeling. Do this instead: When you make your appointment, let them know you have gel polish that will need to be removed. This allows the salon to build in more time for your appointment so the gel can be removed properly by a professional and you don’t make a bigger mess for your manicurist. Deferring to the pro Do you want rounded nails or more of an almond shape? Do you want your cuticles cut, or do you just want your manicurist to use really good cuticle oil before pushing them back? These are all decisions you’ll need to make during your appointment. Don’t just defer to the tech. Yes, they’re pros, but these are your nails. “It’s helpful when someone knows what they want their nails to look like,” says Medrano. Do this instead: If you really aren’t sure what you want, avoid telling the nail tech to do whatever they’d like. A better way to approach it is to ask them for their input on the different options and then make the decision that’s best for you based on what they tell you. Cleaning up There’s always a little bit of a mess when you get your nails done – think nail clippings, dust from filing, used cotton balls from removing polish. Worried that your nail tech is grossed out by all this and annoyed at having to pick up after you? They’re not. Not only that, but if you try to clean up, you might just get in the way. “It’s part of our job to keep up with the mess,” says Medrano. “And we know our way around our station best.” Remember, you can always give yourself a manicure at home, but if you go to the salon, one of the perks is not having to clean up! Do this instead: If you want to help, the best thing you can do is stay out of your nail tech’s way. As they try to wipe down their station, move your hands so they can do that. In other words, pay attention and adjust your positioning when needed – that will be the best way to help. Moving your own stuff to the drying station Your manicure is done, and it’s time to move over to the drying station. You feel bad about making a tech pick up your handbag, so you grab it yourself. While your intention is to be kind, you may smudge your nails and mess up all the hard work they just did. “We are here to help,” says Medrano, who confirms it’s better for them to help than to have you mess up your nails. Plus, even a little chip or smudge is a cardinal sin when it comes to making your manicure last longer. Do this instead: Allow them to move your bag (and any other items you have with you) to the drying station. Be gracious, and say thank you. Also let them pull out the chair or stool for you. Really don’t want someone to pick up your bag? Consider wearing a small crossbody bag so you can keep it on during your appointment. Holding it in Maybe you have to sneeze, or perhaps you are mid-manicure and suddenly have to pee. Holding it in does nobody any favours. While you may not want to interrupt the appointment, your nail tech would rather you be comfortable and enjoy the service. Plus, if you hold in your sneeze, it could backfire and lead to a bigger sneeze where you spray germs everywhere. “Do not be scared to ask if you need to do something,” says Medrano. “Nothing surprises us.” Do this instead: Need to use the bathroom? Let your tech know, and ask when the best time would be for you to do so. Have to sneeze? Say, “I’m going to sneeze.” Then, rather than using your hands to cover your mouth (which your tech then needs to go back to touching), sneeze into the crook of your arm. Trying to shimmy your credit card out of your wallet If the end of your appointment has come and you still haven’t paid, sliding your credit card out of your wallet with wet nails may feel like a Herculean task. But you can’t possibly ask your nail tech to do that, right? That would be rude. Wrong again. It’s actually ruder to smudge the beautiful paint job your nail tech just put a ton of time and energy into. Do this instead: “The amount of times that I have helped take out credit cards? It’s quite often,” says Medrano. “Just ask! Truly, it’s no problem.” Make it easier on your tech by telling them exactly where it is and what colour the card is; that way, they don’t have to fish around for it. Also, there’s no need to apologise – just say thank you! Image credits: Getty Images This article originally appeared on <a href="https://www.readersdigest.com.au/healthsmart/tips/10-polite-habits-nail-techs-actually-dislike-and-what-to-do-instead" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Reader's Digest</a>.

Beauty & Style

11 polite habits house cleaners secretly hate – and what to do instead

The dos and don'ts of cleaning etiquette Housekeepers are like lawyers. They see you at your worst – yes, mostly your home, but you too – and keep their lips sealed. With a cleaning confidante like that, it’s only natural to want to do little things to show your appreciation, like asking about their lives or even helping them clean. But despite your good intentions, these kind gestures can sometimes miss the mark. The house cleaners we spoke with revealed tales of extra (dirty) work they were “trusted with” but didn’t want to do, “helpful” cleaning tips that weren’t actually helpful and little etiquette mistakes that simply sucked time from what you hired them to do: clean your house. To be fair, there aren’t any hard-and-fast etiquette rules on this topic. That’s why we asked cleaning experts to give us the inside scoop on some of the thoughtful things people do that drive them crazy – and what to do instead. Cleaning before they arrive You may truly believe you’re helping by cleaning before your housekeeper arrives, and maybe you are. It depends on what you mean by cleaning. If you’re quickly passing a mop over a grimy kitchen floor or wiping your granite benchtops with a wet sponge and not drying them, cleaning pros say, “Thanks, but no thanks.” With the grime now further embedded into the floor or streaks on the countertops, it could actually take them more time to fix your mistake. And at the very least, they’ll have to duplicate your work anyway. Do this instead: focus on the clutter. “Taking things off the counters and clearing the floors can help us work much faster, and that means a better cleaning for the same amount of money,” says housecleaner, Gretchen Boyd. “Clear the clutter for a better clean, but leave the scrubbing to us!” Talking to them while they're cleaning After a while, your housekeeper becomes more like a friend. You ask them about their lives and their families, and they certainly know all about yours. It would be rude not to talk to them while they’re there. Plus, they’re doing all the tasks you don’t want to do, so the least you could do is make things less boring with a little chitchat, right? Nope! In fact, that ‘entertaining’ chitchat can really mess with their cleaning schedule. “Once, a client wanted to discuss a personal issue with me while I was cleaning their home. I was happy to listen, but it extended my cleaning time by about 15 to 20 minutes,” says cleaner Laura Avila. “I enjoy getting to know my clients, but it’s important to keep in mind that my priority is to provide them with a clean space, and conversations can sometimes hinder that goal.” Do this instead: spend a few minutes chatting when your housekeeper arrives, then let them get to work. “What I really appreciate is when clients give me some space to work in silence or maybe put on some music that we can both enjoy without having to chat the whole time,” says Avila. “That way, I can focus on doing a great job and getting everything cleaned up efficiently.” Following them around while they work You’re not hovering; you’re keeping them company. Nope, sorry – you’re hovering. Even if you think you’re being polite by showing an interest in their work or keeping them company, this polite gesture rarely comes across as you’re hoping. Instead, house cleaners say that having someone watching them while they scrub and scour the shower gives the impression that the client doubts if their cleaner even knows how to clean the bathroom at all. And having someone watching your every move can be distracting and unnerving. Do this instead: “I prefer when clients let me work on my own,” says Avila. If you have specific requests or concerns, talk them over when your housekeeper first arrives. Checking on progress or asking questions is fine, but minimise those types of interactions. That way, they can focus on doing the amazing job that you want them to do. Offering agency workers extra pay for extra work Who wouldn’t like to make some extra cash easily? Customers who go through an agency may think they are helping their house cleaner by offering extra payment for work that isn’t in the contract. What they don’t realise is that this may actually be against company policy, and their house cleaner could get in trouble. Beyond that, because professional cleaners allocate a set amount of time for each job, doing that additional chore could cause them to run late to their other clients’ homes, says Rachel Rios, a cleaning professional. All this also puts the cleaner in the awkward position of having to say no and disappoint the client. Do this instead: talk to the agency ahead of time if you have a special request. Agree upon any additional charges it may incur, as well as when the cleaning will take place. Giving vague instructions Sometimes, clients feel like giving too many instructions will insult the cleaning pro – after all, this is their job. Or they figure the cleaner knows to include tasks like cleaning ceiling fans and windows in their weekly routine, so they casually say something like: “Clean the living room.” The problem? Without specific instructions on which areas of the house to clean, which surfaces to focus on or what kind of cleaning products to use, a house cleaner is not sure what exactly needs to be done. There may also be confusion about whether “cleaning” entails a thorough wipe-down or a deep-clean. “Each client has different preferences and expectations,” says Hugo Guerrero, a certified house cleaning technician, “so it’s important to communicate clearly.” Do this instead: provide a list with specific details about how each task should be completed. “Be specific,” says Guerrero. “That way, there are fewer misunderstandings and more satisfactory cleaning jobs.” Moving items before they arrive You might think you’re helping your house cleaner by moving sculptures, photographs, vases and other home accessories off table tops and shelves. But this ends up creating more work for them, as well as confusion. After all, now they don’t know where these items belong – and where they should put them once they’re clean. They might also knock them over if you put them in a strange spot or accidentally break them while moving them back in place. Do this instead: leave everything in its original position, and let the cleaners move the items themselves. “Doing so makes it easier for the cleaner, who is used to cleaning a certain way,” says Ahmad Jamal, a cleaning expert with Cleaners Advisor. “When clients move items around, I may need to move things back to their original place in order to clean properly.” Plus, those decorative items need to be dusted and cleaned as well, and there’s a specific way to do that. If you need anything in particular moved, let your cleaner know in advance. Pre-soaking the shower or tub with bleach Clients who don’t really know how to clean a bathtub the right way may think it’s helpful to pre-soak the shower or bathtub with bleach, but this can actually be incredibly dangerous for your house cleaner. If the area is not rinsed thoroughly, it could result in a chemical reaction with the cleaning supplies the cleaning pro is using in your bathroom. For example, when bleach mixes with ammonia, it produces an odourless, toxic gas that can cause respiratory distress and even death. Do this instead: “If you do decide to do any pre-cleaning before your house cleaner arrives, communicate which chemicals you used and where,” says Toby Schulz, CEO of Maid2Match in Australia. “And please remember to make sure the room is well ventilated.” Leaving a key with a neighbour Sometimes scheduling conflicts arise, and you need to arrange for your house cleaner to get a key to your home. Of course, you don’t want to cancel at the last minute and totally upend your cleaning pro’s schedule, and this is a good solution. Well, it is when it goes off without a hitch … which rarely happens. What if the neighbour isn’t home or doesn’t hear the doorbell? “This never seems to quite work as planned,” says cleaner, Olive Cantor. “Plus, the entire cleaning job runs late, and that can impact not only our client’s cleaning but also our entire day.” Do this instead: work out a mutually agreeable option, like bringing your key to your house cleaner earlier in the day or hiding it away in an uncommon place like under a driveway paver. If you’re looking for a more permanent solution, you might want to invest in a smart lock that lets you provide an employee with “digital keys” that work just for that day. Providing your own cleaning products and tools It’s a nice gesture to want to provide everything your house cleaner needs so it’s all right there waiting for them and they don’t have to lug it to your house every week. But insisting on the wrong tools and products can actually make the job harder, especially when you leave out all those items to “help.” “This [makes] it hard to find my way around and determine the right way to clean each surface,” says Jenna Shaughnessy, a former professional house cleaner who’s currently a home decor and DIY expert. “While you may have excellent intentions, it might make cleaning harder and take more time.” Do this instead: communicate your preferences in advance (like, maybe you only want natural cleaning products or your kid is allergic to a certain scent), and then discuss your house cleaner’s preferences as well. They’re the pros, after all, and they know what’s good! Perhaps they find a certain vacuum to be more effective or love a product that cuts their work time in half. You can also discuss whether they would like you to stock up on these items for them or if they would prefer to bring their own supplies. “That way,” says Avila, “I can be sure that I’m using things I’m familiar with and that I know will work well for the job.” Offering 'helpful advice' while they're working It’s your home, and it has some quirks. To be fair, so do you. And you know your house cleaner wants to do the job to your specifications, so if you happen to be in the same room and notice they could be doing something differently, you might want to offer your two cents, whether it’s about the best way to clean that tricky oven rack or how to scrub the stainless steel sink. But truly, resist the urge. Lauren Doss, owner of a cleaning business, notes that all the stopping, starting and direction-giving makes it difficult to work efficiently. With one client who wanted things done a very specific way and kept interjecting as she worked, Doss says it “added a lot of time to the job, as I had to double-check each step with them.” Not to mention that this behaviour shows a lack of trust, even if you aren’t quite as intrusive as that client was. Do this instead: Provide clear instructions to your cleaner before they start working, then let them do their job. “It’s important for clients to trust their housekeeping professionals and allow them to work without interference,” says Doss. “If there’s a problem, offer constructive criticism rather than nitpicking.” Not wanting to burden your house cleaner with other home problems House cleaners don’t need to know tiny details about every maintenance issue in your house. Too much information! However, let’s be clear: they sure appreciate your telling them about problems that affect their job. A burned-out bulb in the fridge is not important … but a clogged toilet definitely is. And that’s not the only potential issue here. “I had one client who failed to tell me that the door on their second oven was loose,” recounts Cantor. “I went to open the oven to clean it, and off came the door! Not only was that scary – and potentially dangerous – but I was then worried that I was the one who broke it.” Do this instead: let your house cleaner know if something they are going to be cleaning or using is broken. If you won’t be home when your house cleaner arrives, leave sticky notes on problem places. In the case of the broken oven door, Cantor says, “a little heads-up would have saved a lot of stress for everyone!” Image credits: Getty Images This article originally appeared on <a href="https://www.readersdigest.com.au/food-home-garden/11-polite-habits-house-cleaners-secretly-hate-and-what-to-do-instead?pages=1" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Reader's Digest</a>.

Home & Garden

“Pattern of bigotry”: Pauline Hanson being sued by senator over tweet

Greens deputy leader Mehreen Faruqi has launched legal action against Pauline Hanson over a tweet telling her to "pack your bags and piss off back to Pakistan”. Documents filed in the Federal Court on May 3 allege the One Nation leader breached section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act with the tweet in 2022. Faruqi is seeking a sum of $150,000 be donated to a not-for-profit or community organisation of her choice. She also wants Hanson to undertake anti-racism training and pay legal fees. Faruqi revealed in a statement that she had “taken on bullies” her whole life and had no choice but to take on Hanson. "I refuse to let Senator Hanson get away with racist bullying and harassment," she said. "Senator Hanson crossed a line when she tweeted those hateful comments and I am hoping the Federal Court puts an end to this pattern of bigotry. "Not just for me, but for the almost 30 per cent of Australians born overseas, and their next generations. "I shouldn't have to take the personal risk and trauma of taking Senator Hanson to court." In 2022, the Greens attempted to reprimand Hanson in the upper house but the motion was amended by the government and opposition to instead condemn all forms of racism. Hanson defended her comments and denied she is racist. Farqui said she decided to launch proceedings following Hanson’s refusal to apologise for her tweet and her rejection of conciliation attempts from the Australian Human Rights Commission. "Senator Hanson has used her decades in the spotlight and immense public platform to spew vicious hate towards people of colour," Faruqi said. "She has caused incalculable harm and gotten away with it for far too long. "It's time that she was held accountable. "Senator Hanson has been contacted for comment on the court action." Image credit: Getty/Instagram

Legal

“It’s not binary”: ABC host weighs in on The Voice

‘Australia’s boyfriend’ and ABC host Tony Armstrong has weighed in on Australia’s The Voice referendum, as people all across the nation prepare to head for the polls in late 2023. The referendum, in which Australians will be given the opportunity “to recognise Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in the Constitution through an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice”, has been explained by the National Indigenous Australians Agency as an “independent, representative advisory body for First Nations peoples. “It will provide a permanent means to advise the Australian Parliament and Government on the views of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples on matters that affect them.” Additionally, it is intended to act as part of the government’s commitment to implementing the full scope of the Uluru Statement from the Heart. However, as the time to vote draws closer, opinion has divided in the parliamentary and public eye, with many voicing their take from both sides of the discussion. And now, Tony Armstrong has become the latest to discuss the vote, all while stressing that the situation was more complex than people had assumed, and that he didn’t know which way it was going to go. “I truly don’t know if it will be passed or not,” he confessed to Stellar’s Sarrah Le Marquand. “What I think people need to remember with the Voice is that a vote for ‘yes’ and a vote for ‘no’ can both be good things. “It’s not binary. We aren’t in a world where ‘no’ is ‘bad’ and ‘yes’ is ‘good’. Aboriginal people should be the ones talking the most about this; this is about what’s best for Aboriginal people. I don’t know diddly squat. I’m leaving it to the people who actually know their cr*p to give advice on it. But what I do think is lost in the conversation is the fact it’s not binary.” Armstrong went on to note his understanding that a ‘yes’ vote could potentially hold the nation back, and that a ‘no’ vote could push it forward - “and vice versa. We don’t know.” He then explained that the public discourse had framed it as a binary issue, but that the entire situation is “far more nuanced and complex than that. “I’m going to follow in the path of my leaders; it’s just so complex and becomes another red-hot year for blackfellas, even more so where our very identity will be ripped apart and pulled apart and examined. “The irony, regardless of whichever way it goes, will be: it’s not necessarily going to be the blackfellas whose vote makes a difference. I’ve never been able to define irony, but I reckon that’s in the ballpark.” Images: Getty

Legal

11 polite habits cruise workers actually dislike – and what to do instead

Onboard etiquette At hotels and all-inclusive resorts, workers come and go over the course of your stay. That’s not the case on cruises, where cruise ship employees will be sailing with you throughout the entire voyage. Because of that, you get to know your stateroom attendant, preferred bartender and favourite performer in a different way, and you might want to go out of your way to be friendly and polite to them. But while your motivations may be good, the etiquette rules at sea aren’t necessarily the same as the ones on land. Some habits you think are polite don’t go over quite the way you’d expect. They may even affect cruise worker’s pay rate and the opportunity for them to be offered a future contract, according to Alissa M., a performer who’s worked on some of the world’s top cruise lines, including Holland America, Princess and Norwegian. And other seemingly kind gestures may actually be awkward or get in the way of an employee doing his or her job. So, what do you need to know before you embark on a cruise? We got the inside scoop from cruise ship directors, chefs, servers, entertainers, stateroom attendants and other employees to find out the missteps they wish you’d avoid – and what you should do instead. These cruise tips will make sure it’s smooth sailing for everyone, every time. Raving about your special-request dinner It’s wonderful when you have such a delicious meal that you want to compliment the chef and tell everyone at your dinner table about it. However, when the item in question is a special request – especially one that required advance notice for preparation – the chef won’t be able to replicate it right away, which may upset other guests who want it. “The problem is not when they share it but when everyone loves the dish and then wants it now. A special request cannot be mass-produced,” explains one chef on a small luxury cruise line who prefers to remain anonymous. “The other concern is that many people in the kitchen are now making dozens of special requests, and they’re being pulled away from preparing dishes from the regular menu.” Do this instead: tell your dinner mates that your special-request dish was excellent after they’re finished with their meals. That way, you’ve complimented the chef, but you’ve also given him and other chefs in the galley ample time to recreate the dish for more passengers. Sharing positive feedback about entertainers to the cruise director or guest services Guests may think they’re doing entertainers a favour when they compliment their performances to other employees on the ship, but that message isn’t going to the right people. “A lot of people assume that the cruise director is the ‘boss’ of the entertainers, but rarely are they the ones making hiring decisions,” explains Alissa. “Because my agent and corporate personnel are shoreside, they don’t see what happens onboard.” Do this instead: complete the surveys at the end of your cruise, and turn them in or submit them online. “The official feedback surveys are the only way positive messages get back to the decision makers who actually decide my bookings, pay rate and more,” Alissa explains. “If a worker really stands out to you on your cruise in any department, please mention them by name in the guest post-cruise survey. Telling the cruise director or guest services will do very little to benefit that employee who went above and beyond.” Helping to bring in the boat after an excursion or expedition It takes a lot of effort to get that Zodiac or tender boat back to where it needs to be after an excursion, and if you can help, why wouldn’t you? Well, because it’s not actually as helpful as you think it is. “Some guests grab the poles to ‘help’ when they are approaching the platform and returning to the ship, but this causes the boat to jerk, or the boat must pull away again from the ship because they have unsteadied it,” explains one expedition team leader on a small ship about this etiquette mistake. “Guests can also injure themselves by pulling too hard and straining a muscle, or they can hurt their hands and fingers.” Another problem? Sometimes people stand up in the boat, which causes a danger to the group, since the driver can’t see properly. Do this instead: stay seated in the boat, and hold on tightly to the ropes until the boat is secured by the expedition team and crew on the ship. The team will tell you when it’s safe to get up and how to leave the boat. Leave the navigation to the experts to keep you and everyone else safe. Offering to buy an entertainer a drink during the show If you’re enjoying the performances of a singer, dancer or piano player on your ship, you might want to buy them a drink to say thank you during the show. However, that’s not the best way to express your gratitude. Plus, it might not even be allowed. “I worked for some cruise lines where our contracts explicitly stated we could not have alcohol onstage or drink close to showtime,” explains Alissa. “In some instances, this is a fireable offense.” Plus, it can be awkward. “We don’t want to be rude,” she adds, “but we also cannot break our contract rules.” Beyond that, beverages are expensive for cruise-ship guests – but workers can buy their drinks at cost. “I feel bad accepting a $17 to $20 drink from a guest that would cost me $1.25 in the crew bar,” Alissa explains. Do this instead: show your appreciation for a worker by tipping them or purchasing a piece of merchandise. And remember: while you’re on holiday, they’re working, and there are certain lines you shouldn’t cross. Asking personal questions to be friendly It’s easy to get cosy with cruise ship employees. After all, you’re all at sea together for an extended period of time, and it’s their job to make sure you’re happy and comfortable. Since they’re seeing you with your family or hearing about your adventures, it seems rude not to reciprocate and ask them about themselves. While that’s certainly true to a degree, the problem comes when you forget that this is a professional relationship, not a friendship. “Guests ask very personal questions,” says Steve M.*, who’s been a cruise director for more than 15 years. “I am an open book, and I always say, ‘If you are ready for the answer, I will tell you the truth.’ Then you tell the truth and they either take offense or try to change you.” Think: relationships (like, why they aren’t married or chose not to have kids), religion and politics. Just like at the Christmas dinner table, these conversations can get uncomfortable quickly. Do this instead: say hello and definitely be cordial, but limit your conversations to casual small talk. And before posing any personal questions, ask yourself this: How would you feel if the tables were turned—especially if you were being asked these questions at work? *Steve M. is a pseudonym. Going to your stateroom as soon as you board the ship While you might think it’s polite to get out of the way of other passengers during the boarding process by heading straight to your cabin, you’ll actually be in the way of employees if your stateroom isn’t ready. Sometimes, especially on smaller vessels, guests are permitted to board the ship before the rooms have been completely turned over and refreshed from the prior passengers. “If you arrive at your room too early, it slows down the process,” says Steve. “Plus, the crew then must be polite and become engaged with guests, which is not helpful.” And let’s not forget about your luggage, which takes a while to actually get to your room and won’t be there when you are! Do this instead: if you board early, wait until the ship’s personnel announce when the staterooms are ready. (Or board later for less of an issue – and to skip the boarding rush.) While you wait, have lunch at the buffet restaurant, check out the cruise ship’s hidden features or chill out by the pool. Just remember to pack your bathing suit in your carry-on so you have access to it right away! Stacking plates for your sever It seems like stacking the plates would make it easier for your server to pick up dirty dishes, but this can actually cause all sorts of problems. “It really messes up removing the plates, especially if the standard in the restaurant is not to stack plates but take them away one or two at a time,” explains one restaurant employee with a small cruise line. “And it actually makes it more difficult to clear and wash the plates for the dishwashers.” The latter is especially true when the passengers haven’t eaten everything on their plates. This causes an uneven stack, which makes it difficult for the server to carry the stack back to the dishwasher … who also has to deal with a huge mess, since the bottoms of the plates are now covered in goop from the plates above them. Do this instead: let the servers do their jobs. They have been trained in the ship’s preferred plate-removal method, and they’ll get those items to the back in the most efficient, least messy way possible. Tipping your server on the restaurant check If you’re dining at a specialty restaurant and you’ve had excellent service, you’ll want to leave a tip. But here’s what you probably don’t realise: “Passengers may think they are generously tipping a crew member by writing in a tip on the receipt, but it sadly doesn’t go to that crew member,” says one server with a large cruise line. “My understanding is that it goes into the ship’s account, and that’s how the ship pays for the ‘gratuities paid for’ incentives you see when you book your trip. It’s kind of distributed between all the crew … and maybe not even that.” Do this instead: “It is way better to tip a crew member directly with cash,” she says. “That way, you are sure that member got the tip you think they deserved – and that you really wanted them to have. [But] the crew are not allowed to tell passengers that.” Complimenting an entertainer's looks or appearance Sure, compliments can be lovely, but they can also be super awkward when they’re from someone you barely know. “A big thing that bothers me is when passengers comment on my looks or my body, thinking it’s polite and a compliment,” explains Madeline D., a production singer on some of the larger cruise ships. “One time I had a guest, who was a repeat cruiser, tell me I looked like I lost weight.” There are many things wrong with a statement like that, starting with the fact that it’s an assumption and an inherent judgement, not to mention a backhanded compliment. It also implies that the guest is staring at her body and looking at it in an inappropriate way. Depending on the situation, it could also border on flirting, which crosses a line too. Do this instead: save comments about appearances for friends and family – and honestly, maybe not even that. If you want to say something nice to a performer on the ship, tell them you enjoyed their performance that evening. Telling the piano player how much you're enjoying the song Cruise directors are also singers and entertainers, so they’re interacting with passengers in those roles as well while on board. According to Steve, some passengers love a performance so much that they want to tell the performer right away – even in the middle of said performance. “Guests will come to talk to you in the middle of a song to tell you how much they are enjoying your music, but then it’s sometimes difficult to remember where you were, and you can lose the song,” he says. “While it’s nice that people appreciate your talent, there are other ways of showing it.” Do this instead: wait until the performance is over so you don’t accidentally trip up the performer. You’ll enjoy the song more this way, anyway – and so will your fellow cruisers! Not letting the crew know when there's a problem You may not want to bother employees or say anything negative while on your cruise, but this is a mistake. The crew is there to make sure you have an incredible experience, and they really want to help you make the most of it. Plus, your unhappiness will eventually seep out. “Guests will say they love everything while on board, and then in their survey, they’ll nitpick about very small things, and by the end of the review, they are unhappy,” says Steve. Do this instead: if you’re not happy about something, let guest services know as soon as possible. And if you’re not happy with your meal, let the maître d’ know so they can bring you something more satisfactory. Remember: the ship’s staff and crew can’t fix something that they don’t know is wrong; let them know what’s going on, give them a chance to make it right and turn this into the best cruise you’ve ever taken. As mentioned earlier, the guest surveys are taken seriously – and used to determine staffing and pay rates – so it truly doesn’t help anyone when you’re complaining after the fact. Image credits: Getty Images This article originally appeared on <a href="https://www.readersdigest.com.au/travel/11-polite-habits-cruise-workers-actually-dislike-and-what-to-do-instead?pages=1" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Reader's Digest</a>.

Cruising

20 things even polite people don’t apologise for

How many times a day do you say "sorry"? If you say sorry so often that you can’t remember just how often, it might be time to rethink this habit. “Oftentimes we find ourselves reflexively apologising without really knowing why,” says Lisa Mirza Grotts, etiquette expert and founder of the Golden Rules Gal. However, this apologetic reflex may be doing you more harm than good. “Research shows that when we keep saying ‘I’m sorry’ it makes us sound weak and less respected by our peers,” she explains, adding that in some situations it may even make you take responsibility for things you shouldn’t. “Instead, try flipping the script to saying ‘thank you’ instead. It’s more positive and makes you appear stronger and in control.” Still, some people may worry that not apologising may be impolite and that it’s better to be safe than sorry when it comes to polite manners. Not so, Grotts says, and to help you figure out the etiquette of apologising we asked experts to share common things people apologise for that they shouldn’t. Taking a sick day Everyone gets sick sometimes. That’s not a failure, it’s a fact of life. Yet too many people fear using their sick days and apologise to their boss and coworkers when they finally do. Apologising for using your sick leave is totally unnecessary and can hurt you in the long run, says Dr Kim Chronister, a clinical psychologist. “You are allowed to have personal downtime as long as it’s not excessive,” she says, adding that this includes mental health days. “Just be matter of fact. No need to spill emotional details at work or make excuses. Simply take a sick day and don’t apologise for it.” Not buying a birthday gift for a friend Buying someone a gift for their special day is a lovely gesture but it shouldn’t be an expectation, especially if you are in a difficult financial situation, Chronister says. “If you can’t afford to buy a gift, there’s no reason to apologise,” she explains. “If they truly love and care about you they will see your presence as the gift.” But just because you aren’t buying them a gift doesn’t mean you can’t give them anything, some of the best gifts are those that don’t cost a cent. Interrupting someone occasionally Interrupting others when they are speaking is a common etiquette mistake and one you should try to curb if it’s a frequent problem. However, we all do it sometimes and you don’t need to derail the conversation with an apology if it’s an accidental faux pas, Chronister says. “It’s okay to interrupt as long as it’s not mal-intended. It’s just about getting your point across and it happens sometimes,” she explains. Another issue is that some people, particularly men, see apologising too often as a weakness so learning to apologise less may help you be seen as more confident and competent, she adds. Saying "no" to being the classroom parent “You should never apologise for saying ‘no’,” Grotts says. You’re allowed to protect your time and other resources, to stand up for yourself, and to have your own opinions—unapologetically. Not knowing the right answer With Google at our fingertips, it may seem like there is no excuse for you to not know something but technology doesn’t have all the answers (and often has the wrong ones) and all of us are in the process of learning, Grotts says. “If you don’t know the answer to something, just say so,” she says. “Instead of apologising, see it as a good opportunity to learn something new.” A partner's table manners “Never apologise for someone else’s behaviour—that’s their job,” Grotts says. While it may be tempting to make apologies for your spouse, it’s important to remember that you are not responsible for another adult’s behaviour and it is not reflective of your own, she says. Even worse, apologising for their bad behaviour may inadvertently get you roped into the situation which will reflect negatively on you, she adds. Stating an opinion on politics Politics, religion and other hot button issues can feel too risky to even broach these days unless you know the other person already shares similar views but staying silent does a great disservice to society by discouraging open discourse and sharing of ideas. “Don’t apologise for having an opinion and for sharing it,” Grotts says. “Even though it may only be your judgement, it’s okay to voice it even if it’s not based on fact. That’s why it’s your opinion!” Not responding immediately to a text Having constant access to phones means that people now expect instant replies to their texts, emails or calls. However, just because they expect it doesn’t mean you need to—and you don’t need to apologise for it, says Robin H-C, behaviourist, life coach, and author of Life’s In Session. This assumes that any text or call should be your top priority but if you respond to every non-urgent issue you’d never get anything else done, she explains. Instead, she recommends replying when you are able, skipping any apology and moving straight to the matter at hand. RSVPing "no" to a party invitation Apologising when saying no to an invitation may feel polite but it is likely not honest, and in the long run, honesty will serve you better, H-C says. “Are you really sorry you can’t go? If you were then you would find a way to make it work,” she says. “Usually people aren’t sorry, they just don’t want to go and apologising is a passive way to avoid telling them that.” It’s fine to say no to invitations without offering an apology or explanation; if it is someone you’d like to see at a different time, then tell them that and make plans to meet up in the future. A spouse's anger Have you ever felt the need to apologise for other people’s feelings? If so, it’s time to take a careful look at your boundaries, especially in relationships, H-C says. “People who were traumatised or bullied as kids often make themselves responsible for the emotional climate of those around them,” she explains. “The truth is, you are not responsible for another adult’s emotions and you should not apologise for them.” If your partner is trying to use their emotions to guilt you into an apology, that’s one of the signs of an unhealthy relationship. A messy house Do you live in fear of a neighbour or friend just “popping in” to say hello because of the state of your home and then find yourself apologising over and over again for the mess when they do? Cut yourself some slack in this area, H-C says. “You’re the one who is living there in the mess, not them,” she says. “Really you’re apologising to them for witnessing how you live, and you shouldn’t need to do that.” Instead, she says the best way to deal with this situation is a little humour—”So I’m thinking about becoming a professional organiser…” When someone goes out of their way to help you Many people say “I’m sorry” when what they really mean is “thank you,” says Amy Rollo, a psychotherapist. For instance, if you go to a full restaurant and the staff works hard to find a space for you, instead of apologising for inconveniencing them, express appreciation for their hard work, she explains. Both you and the other person will feel happier by focusing on the positive aspects of helping others. Going to the store in sweats In an ideal world, we’d all only leave the house once we were perfectly coiffed and put together. Real-life, however, means that people get sick, wake up late, run out of hot water, have a broken washing machine, or have any number of situations that cause them to go out in public looking less than their best. And that’s totally fine, Rollo says. “Don’t apologise for your appearance. If you are tired or stressed, just own that you are not perfect and this is part of you,” she says. Crying during an argument “Emotions should never be apologised for, you are allowed to feel what you feel,” Rollo says. This doesn’t mean you have free reign to meltdown on anyone in your path—how you express your emotions matters—but you don’t need to apologise for simply feeling a certain way. Many people have been trained to think they “shouldn’t” feel sad or upset but negative emotions are a part of human life and you’re allowed to be human. Toddler temper tantrums There isn’t a parent on the planet who hasn’t had a little one cry, scream, or explosively vomit at the most inconvenient time. It’s a necessary, albeit frustrating, part of their development from infants to functioning adults—a fact that more people would do well to remember. So, while you should help manage your child as best as you can, you don’t need to apologise for their outbursts, Rollo says. “Instead of saying you’re sorry, let others know that you understand this is a difficult situation, and you thank them for being patient,” she says. Turning down sex Many people feel they need to apologise for not wanting to have sex and it can cause tension in a relationship says Melanie Gonzalez, a marriage and family therapist. But your sex drive is like any other appetite. Would you apologise for not being hungry? “It’s very normal to not be in the mood sometimes and apologising for that implies that you should always want sex,” she explains. “Man or woman, sometimes you are not in the mood and that should be okay and accepted by your partner without them taking it personally.” A delayed flight “Don’t apologise for things that are out of your control like a delayed flight, bad weather, or illness,” says Dr Amy Ricke, a psychiatrist with Your Doctors Online, adding that these things just happen and most people will be understanding, even if it messes up their plans. “Say something to acknowledge the other person’s disappointment or inconvenience, but do not take responsibility for events or circumstances you have no role in.” Asking a question Apologising before asking a question is very common, especially in women, Dr Ricke says. But not only is this unnecessary it could hurt your career and relationships. “You have the right to get more information or gain clarification, whether it be at home, work, or elsewhere,” she says. “If you feel that you are interrupting or inconveniencing the other person, you can say ‘I have a few questions for you, please let me know when it is a good time to ask’.” Image credits: Getty Images This article originally appeared on <a href="https://www.readersdigest.com.au/healthsmart/tips/20-things-even-polite-people-dont-apologise-for?pages=1" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Reader's Digest</a>.

Caring

Senior bank robber’s unexpectedly polite note

A 78-year-old woman has caused some commotion with her bizarre Missouri bank heist. Bonnie Gooch, who already has two bank robbery convictions to her name, has collected a brand new charge - one count of stealing, or attempting to steal, from a financial institution - for her actions at the Goppert Financial Bank in Pleasant Hill. However, it’s the note that Bonnie had for the bank’s teller that has drawn the most attention around the world, with the senior bank robber allegedly stating that she “didn’t mean to scare” anyone. As The Kansas City Star reported, Bonnie supposedly entered the establishment just after 3pm, ‘disguised’ by her facemask and sunglasses. After approaching the counter, she is said to have handed over a note that demanded “13,000 small bills”, and another that read “thank you sorry I didn’t mean to scare you”. Prosecutors in Cass County said surveillance video from inside of the bank showed Bonnie banging on the counter and demanding that the teller hurry up. Bonnie made her getaway from there, but was ultimately caught by law enforcement officers, who reported that her car smelled of alcohol, and had money spread across its floor. Despite this, she is not facing any alcohol related charges. Pleasant Hill Police Chief Tommy Wright described the incident as “just sad’, and noted that Bonnie - as far as they were aware - had not been diagnosed with any notable ailments. “When officers first approached her, they were kind of confused ... it’s a little old lady who steps out,” he explained. “We weren’t sure initially that we had the right person.” He also noted that in his three decades as a police officer, he had never encountered a robbery suspect of a similar age to Bonnie. But it wasn’t Bonnie’s first rodeo, with Bonnie having been convicted for her actions in California in 1977, and again in another Kansas City suburb in 2020. Her probation for the latter only ended in November 2021. At the time of her 2020 theft, court documents cited by Fox 4 note that Bonnie’s son explained she had left the house “angry” and had declared that she was “going to rob a bank”. She is now being held on a $25,000 USD (~$37,500 AUD) bond at a Cass County detention centre for her 2023 crime. And as Police Chief Tommy Wright also revealed to Fox 4, he and his team were evaluating whether or not Bonnie would require further services as her case progressed through the criminal justice system. Images: Facebook

Legal

Yunupinju was a great clan leader, a great family man and very much loved. I wish Australian political leaders could have learned more from him

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander readers are advised this article contains names and images of deceased people. Yunupiŋu’s family have given permission for his name and images to be used. Dr Yunupiŋu was a magnificent person and a magnificent leader. Most people in Australia who are aware of him know him as a ceremonial leader because of his towering presence leading ceremonies at the Garma Festival for so many years and, most importantly, at events that he himself curated in order to make representations to prime ministers and ministers of Australian governments. Throughout his life, he has spoken and made representations to every prime minister of his adulthood. He was a great clan leader, a great family man and very much loved by so many Australians who came into contact with him through his Garma Festival and so many other good works. He was also an intellectual. He published some wonderful works, particularly <a href="https://www.blackincbooks.com.au/books/tradition-truth-and-tomorrow">Tradition, Truth and Tomorrow</a>. He was a musician, one of the most important traditional singers from Northeast Arnhem Land. Indeed, one could hear his beautiful voice on the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tribal_Voice">Tribal Voice</a> album, which his late younger brother’s band Yothu Yindi made famous. So many people will be in mourning for him. He touched so many people with his gracious leadership and kindness. It’s such a shame, really, that he didn’t live to see better outcomes. <h2>Working for land rights</h2> Constitutional recognition for Indigenous Australians was his idea. I was with him in Arnhem Land and he said to me, “I want to see Noel Pearson”. They’d never met, and he told me to find Noel and get him to come and speak to him. So, in those days, I had to drive around and find a Telstra hotspot. I found Noel. Noel jumped on a plane immediately and they met, and Yunupiŋu put to him constitutional recognition as a matter of highest importance. Because, as Yunupiŋu explains in his writings, he felt the existential threat towards his clan and other Indigenous people. He was the interpreter for the clan leaders in the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aboriginal_Land_Rights_Commission">Aboriginal Land Rights Commission</a>, appointed by Gough Whitlam to determine how land rights were to be recognised. He had been appointed by his father to become a clan leader and to go through the many years of learning that involved. By interpreting for all the clan leaders and their evidence, he became extremely knowledgeable. He also interpreted in the court in Canberra in the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Milirrpum_v_Nabalco_Pty_Ltd">Milirrpum case</a>. Later, of course, when the Land Rights Act had passed and the land councils were established, he became Chair of the Northern Land Council and served in that position twice. So, he is, in many ways, one of the crucial figures in the land rights movement. He was able to translate philosophical beliefs and the inherited ancient property systems of Yolŋu people to a very wonderful judge, Justice Woodward, to enable a land rights system to be legislated. He also contributed to culture, the survival of Aboriginal culture, and to education. The Yothu Yindi Foundation <a href="https://gy.yyf.com.au/">press release on his passing</a> explains how he initiated the Dhupuma Barker School in his community in Arnhem Land, which has been producing wonderful results with high attendance rates for the children. He also led many other initiatives; too many to mention. People turned to him for advice because of his highly honed political and strategic skills. <h2>A kind man</h2> The great quality he had was kindness. He chose not to make people his enemy, unless they’d committed some egregious crime. He always attempted to find humanity in people. He was able to speak to every prime minister, as I’ve said, and encourage Indigenous leaders to set goals – such as constitutional recognition – and find a way to achieve it. He pulled together the clans of Arnhem Land and presented three petitions on constitutional recognition to prime ministers Julia Gillard and Kevin Rudd. He was very determined about this. He also gave some wonderful lectures on this topic. Many people have been inspired by him because he always found a way through the terrible burden of colonialism. Nobody suffered it more than people like himself. There is a terrible view, sometimes, that traditional people were not affected by colonialism. That’s far from the truth. In fact, I think if any Indigenous culture survives today, and of course so much does, it is precisely because people like this great man valued culture above all else. He took his ceremonial responsibilities as the highest priority and he regarded the survival of his own culture, and by extension other Indigenous cultures, as matters of the highest importance. Because it is in our cultures that we find the values that make life worthwhile, make life worth living, and enable us to enjoy life. And he did enjoy life. He had a wonderful life. It’s such a tragic loss for everyone. I met him in the late 1970s and we became very good friends and remained so throughout our lives. He was very curious, a great intellectual, and I believe he had a huge concern, not only for his family, but also the friends he made far and wide. Hence, the popularity of the Garma Festival with so many people from Australia and around the world. He truly believed that we are all one people; we all have red blood running through our veins. I wish Australian political leaders could have learned more from him, because Australia would be so much a better country if they had adopted some of his values. He certainly showed the way forward. Image credits: Getty Images This article originally appeared on <a href="https://theconversation.com/yunupinu-was-a-great-clan-leader-a-great-family-man-and-very-much-loved-i-wish-australian-political-leaders-could-have-learned-more-from-him-203160" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Conversation</a>.

Legal

The "forgettables": 5 Australian prime ministers you may not know much about

<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/joshua-black-729708">Joshua Black</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/australian-national-university-877">Australian National University</a> The idea of a “forgotten prime minister” may seem laughable. For Australian historians, it is the governed rather than the governors who need rescuing “from the enormous condescension of posterity” as the English historian E. P. Thompson famously put it. Our First Nations histories especially were for too long silenced and concealed in what the anthropologist Bill Stanner called a “cult of forgetfulness practised on a national scale”. Prime ministers, on the other hand, are stitched into the tapestry of national history thanks to extensive newspaper coverage, the dogged pursuits of political biographers, and the quest of archivists and librarians to collect their personal papers. Deceased leaders’ names adorn buildings and streets, federal electorates, and dedicated research centres, and in Harold Holt’s case, a memorial swimming pool. But some, of course, are better known than others. So which prime ministers, if any, can be considered “forgotten” by contemporary Australia? And what does that act of forgetting reveal about our political culture? Commemorative rituals and <a href="https://essentialvision.com.au/tag/john-curtin">opinion surveys</a> suggest that some have very much receded from memory. Here are a few prime ministers who deserve to be a little better known. <h2>Edmund Barton 1901-03</h2> <figure class="align-right "><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501811/original/file-20221219-16-gd6rzd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501811/original/file-20221219-16-gd6rzd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=750&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501811/original/file-20221219-16-gd6rzd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=750&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501811/original/file-20221219-16-gd6rzd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=750&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501811/original/file-20221219-16-gd6rzd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=943&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501811/original/file-20221219-16-gd6rzd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=943&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501811/original/file-20221219-16-gd6rzd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=943&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" alt="" /><figcaption>Edmund Barton, Australia’s first prime minister. National Archives of Australia</figcaption></figure> Barton was a hugely significant figure in his day. A leading advocate of federation, he was summoned by the <a href="https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/hopetoun-seventh-earl-of-6730">Governor-General Lord Hopetoun</a> (after a false start) to form the first Commonwealth government. Between 1901 and 1903, Barton’s government, with the dynamic Alfred Deakin as its attorney-general, established some of the national institutions we now take for granted, such as the public service and the High Court. Barton and Deakin’s deeply racial vision of a White Australia was also enacted in legislation in these years. Australia’s first prime minister (known to detractors as Tosspot Toby) helped to establish the machinery of federal government out of nothing. But this earned him no special place in Australian collective memory. Resigning in 1903, he spent the remainder of his life as a reticent statesman and High Court judge. <h2>George Reid 1904-05</h2> <figure class="align-left "><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501812/original/file-20221219-12-k2osuc.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501812/original/file-20221219-12-k2osuc.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=779&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501812/original/file-20221219-12-k2osuc.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=779&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501812/original/file-20221219-12-k2osuc.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=779&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501812/original/file-20221219-12-k2osuc.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=979&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501812/original/file-20221219-12-k2osuc.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=979&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501812/original/file-20221219-12-k2osuc.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=979&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" alt="" /><figcaption>George Reid, a political enemy of Barton’s, held office from 1904-05. Museum of Australian Democracy</figcaption></figure> Reid was a political opponent of Barton’s. The defining issue of the early Commonwealth was tariff policy, and all other matters – industrial development, employment, and individual liberty – were refracted through the “tariff question”. Reid, a former New South Wales premier who had earned the moniker “Yes-No Reid” for his prevarications during the earlier federation debates, was a devout advocate for and leader of the Free Trade movement. Reid was summoned to form a government in August 1904. Hamstrung by his lack of a parliamentary majority, he remarkably passed the <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/education/australias-prime-ministers-george-reid/13856906">Conciliation and Arbitration Bill</a>. This was core business for the early Commonwealth, and two previous ministries had failed to secure it. But Reid’s attempts to settle the tariff question with Deakin’s Protectionists failed, and his ministry was defeated in parliament in July 1905. <h2>Joseph Cook 1913-14</h2> <figure class="align-right "><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501813/original/file-20221219-16-k4lphv.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501813/original/file-20221219-16-k4lphv.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=750&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501813/original/file-20221219-16-k4lphv.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=750&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501813/original/file-20221219-16-k4lphv.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=750&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501813/original/file-20221219-16-k4lphv.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=943&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501813/original/file-20221219-16-k4lphv.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=943&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501813/original/file-20221219-16-k4lphv.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=943&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" alt="" /><figcaption>Joseph Cook, together with Reid, was instrumental in establishing the two-party system that continues today. National Archives of Australia</figcaption></figure> Out of office, Reid and his Free Trade colleague Joseph Cook played a crucial role in making the two-party system that endures today. Whatever their differences with Deakin and the protectionists, Reid and Cook (himself a former Labor MP in New South Wales) saw the rising Australian Labor Party as the real enemy. Reid travelled the country establishing anti-socialist leagues and building the groundwork for a united anti-Labor Party. When the tariff schedule was finally settled in 1908, and the mutual animosity between Deakin and Reid seemed the only barrier to a Liberal fusion, the latter sacrificed himself and resigned so that the former could join forces with Cook on his own terms. In 1913, Cook led the new Commonwealth Liberal Party to a federal election, winning by the narrowest of margins. He oversaw the opening weeks of the Great War the following year, committing 20,000 Australian troops and the Australian Navy to Britain, but soon lost power in <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/House_of_Representatives/Powers_practice_and_procedure/Practice7/HTML/Chapter13/Double_dissolutions#:%7E:text=The%201914%20double%20dissolution&text=Elections%20were%20held%20on%205,in%20question%20was%20not%20reintroduced.">Australia’s first double dissolution election</a>. <h2>Stanley Melbourne Bruce 1923-29</h2> After the war, the task of national leadership fell to Stanley Bruce, a young businessman and ex-serviceman from Melbourne. In 1923, as leader of the non-Labor forces (now reconstituted as the Nationalist Party), Bruce formed government with Earle Page’s Country Party (forerunner of today’s rural National Party). In doing so, Frank Bongiorno has recently explained, Bruce and Page ‘inaugurated the Coalition tradition on the conservative side of Australian federal politics’. <figure class="align-center "><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501814/original/file-20221219-12-fzk3nw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501814/original/file-20221219-12-fzk3nw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=477&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501814/original/file-20221219-12-fzk3nw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=477&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501814/original/file-20221219-12-fzk3nw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=477&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501814/original/file-20221219-12-fzk3nw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=599&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501814/original/file-20221219-12-fzk3nw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=599&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501814/original/file-20221219-12-fzk3nw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=599&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" alt="" /><figcaption>Stanley Melbourne Bruce (pictured with his wife Ethel) had the task of leading the country after the first world war. National Archives of Australia</figcaption></figure> Bruce’s government was ambitious for Australia in the “roaring ‘20s”. He envisioned a future underscored by British migrants, British money and imperial markets. In power for six years, he presided over the creation of the Loans Council and the federal parliament’s <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Old_Parliament_House,_Canberra">move from Melbourne</a> to Canberra in 1927. But like others before him, he came unstuck on the issue of centralised arbitration. His attempt to abolish the federal arbitration court (with a view to restraining wage growth) saw his government defeated and his own seat lost in the 1929 election. <h2>Arthur Fadden 1941</h2> <figure class="align-left "><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501815/original/file-20221219-22-gd6rzd.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501815/original/file-20221219-22-gd6rzd.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=785&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501815/original/file-20221219-22-gd6rzd.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=785&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501815/original/file-20221219-22-gd6rzd.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=785&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501815/original/file-20221219-22-gd6rzd.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=986&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501815/original/file-20221219-22-gd6rzd.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=986&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501815/original/file-20221219-22-gd6rzd.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=986&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" alt="" /><figcaption>Arthur Fadden was chosen to lead his party after Robert Menzies resigned. National Archives of Australia</figcaption></figure> In the early 1930s, conservatives once again reorganised in the form of the United Australia Party, and dominated politics for the ensuing decade. But by 1941, after two years of wartime leadership, the young leader Robert Menzies appeared to falter. His colleagues disliked his brisk manner and the public lacked confidence in his government’s war efforts. A hung parliament after the 1940 election, in which two Independents held the balance, confirmed this. With his position untenable, <a href="https://www.naa.gov.au/explore-collection/australias-prime-ministers/robert-menzies/during-office">Menzies resigned in August 1941</a> and the coalition unanimously chose Fadden, the Country Party leader, to replace him. “Affable Artie” was a widely respected figure and apparently the only one who could hold together a decade-old government too consumed by infighting to meet the demands of the moment. His premiership lasted just 40 days, at which point the Independents offered John Curtin and Labor their support. The sole Country Party leader to become prime minister on a non-caretaker basis, Fadden was one of a small handful of men to lead the nation in a global war. <h2>Australia and Its Forgettables</h2> Why is it that these five prime ministers are largely absent from national memory? Four factors seem particularly significant. First, contemporary Australian political discourse offers only a shallow sense of history. Political reporting rarely reaches for historical depth, and when it does, the second world war tends to be the outer limit. Moreover, when Australians are asked to <a href="https://essentialvision.com.au/tag/john-curtin">rank their prime ministers</a> and select a “best PM”, they rarely reach beyond living memory. The federation generation, overshadowed by the first world war, fare especially poorly. In the 1990s, with the centenary of federation fast approaching, <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Senate/Powers_practice_n_procedures/pops/Papers_on_Parliament_67/The_Australian_Prime_Ministership">surveys</a> revealed that Australians knew less about its federal founders than they did about America’s 'founding fathers’. What kind of country, the civics experts implored, could <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6niKTWMx4_c">forget the name of its first prime minister</a>? Tosspot Toby was no match for Simpson and his donkey. Second, Australians prefer to think of their political history in terms of heroes and villains (often embodied by the same individuals). Those binary roles require gregariousness, dynamism, some controversy, and the occasional serving of larrikinism. “Tall poppy syndrome” notwithstanding, partisan heroes like Menzies and Gough Whitlam, or infamous rats such as Billy Hughes, make for easy storytelling. The forgettables are more often reserved, restrained or even polite characters. The Primitive Methodist Joseph Cook was “<a href="https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/cook-sir-joseph-5763">[s]olemn and humourless</a>”. The patrician Bruce was judged “<a href="https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/bruce-stanley-melbourne-5400">too aloof and reserved to be an Australian</a>”. And Frank Forde, in his old age, maintained that all of his colleagues and opponents had been <a href="https://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/2239262?lookfor=Francis%20Forde%20%7bformat:Audio%7d&offset=1&max=1">“outstanding” and “capable men”</a> for whom he had only “friendly feeling”. This is not exactly the stuff of masculine political legend. Alfred Deakin has tended to absorb the historical limelight and cast long shadows over his contemporaries, not least because he furnished historians and biographers with rich personal papers. (Barton scrupulously destroyed most of his). But as <a href="https://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/4704220">Sean Scalmer has argued</a>, we ought not to overlook the influence of Deakin’s contemporaries in the making of Australian politics as we know it. <figure class="align-center "><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501817/original/file-20221219-20-9hooph.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501817/original/file-20221219-20-9hooph.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=486&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501817/original/file-20221219-20-9hooph.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=486&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501817/original/file-20221219-20-9hooph.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=486&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501817/original/file-20221219-20-9hooph.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=610&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501817/original/file-20221219-20-9hooph.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=610&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501817/original/file-20221219-20-9hooph.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=610&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" alt="" /><figcaption>Alfred Deakin (front row, second from right) has tended to cast a long shadow over his contemporaries. <a class="source" href="https://deakinslettersmorningpost.parliamentarylibrary.gov.au/letters/1903?page=1">Australian Parliamentary Library</a></figcaption></figure> Third, prime ministers are rendered immemorable if they were judged to be temporary, or presiding over some kind of interregnum. Australians have valorised the longevity and stability of Menzies and Howard, or the sense of epochal change that accompanied Whitlam and Hawke. Men like Reid, Cook and Fadden seem transitory in comparison. Fourth, public memory has often depended on the sponsorship of major parties and their affiliated scribes and institutes. The corollary is that those who preceded the two-party system are harder to commemorate. Labor has been excellent at proselytising its great leaders and their great reforms, and demonising the rats and renegades. The Liberal Party, on the other hand, has struggled to memorialise its antecedents and influences (Deakin perhaps excepted). Menzies and Howard predominate in the collective Liberal psyche, and Liberal forerunners from Barton to Bruce rarely get a look-in.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/196360/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/joshua-black-729708">Joshua Black</a>, PhD Candidate, School of History, National Centre of Biography, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/australian-national-university-877">Australian National University</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-forgettables-5-australian-prime-ministers-you-may-not-know-much-about-196360">original article</a>.

Retirement Life

Victorian man’s anti-Dan Andrews plates deemed “offensive” by government

A Victorian man could lose his personalised number plates referencing Premier Daniel Andrews after the state government’s transport body said they had deemed them to be “offensive” and “inappropriate”. In September, Peter Dunlevie received plates that read, “DANOUT”, from VicRoads and attached them to his 2003 Commodore ahead of the state election on November 23. “Well, I want Andrews gone,” he told 7NEWS. “I’m just sick of him.” The plates are accompanied by other anti-Andrews messages, including stickers reading, “Save Victoria” and “SACK ANDREWS”. <img src="https://oversixtydev.blob.core.windows.net/media/2022/11/danout1.jpg" alt="" width="880" height="495" /> Peter Dunlevie attached plates reading ‘DANOUT’ to his white Commodore. Image: 7NEWS However, VicRoads has since written to the Gippsland man and told him to return the plates, writing that the plates are “negative”, “offensive” and “inappropriate”. “A review of our records has identified that the combination ‘DANOUT’ has specific negative references, and may be considered offensive by the broader community,” the letter read. Dunlevie has questioned VicRoads’ assessment of the plates, telling the news outlet that it’s just “a bit of fun”. “What’s offensive about them?” he said. “This is just an old bloke having a bit of fun.” While VicRoads has the authority to cancel personalised plates, Dunlevie said he felt like the transport authority was “trying to gag me”. Following the letter from VicRoads, the state’s Department of Transport has begun a review into the decision to remove the plates from Dunlevie. Image: 7NEWS

Travel Trouble

Pauline Hanson's bold move into reality TV

Controversial One Nation leader Pauline Hanson, who regularly sparks outrage with her questionable comments - is set to be shipped out to the Middle East as she makes her big break on reality TV, starring on Channel 7’s SAS Australia. She’s survived jail, Dancing with the stars and now returns to the small screen once again. In fact, Hanson could be up for a six figure pay out to appear on the program. It has not yet been revealed if she’s being paid or not but It is more than likely she could expect a lump-sum payment. The payment would be equal to $2500 a day and a bonus of between $1000-$5000 every three days. 7’s SAS Australia is shot over a 14 day period with a 13-episode run plus a reunion special. “The new season will be filmed in the Middle East, so it will definitely take Pauline out of her comfort zone,” a Seven insider told <a href="https://www.dailymail.co.uk/tvshowbiz/article-11427603/SAS-Australia-Pauline-Hanson-joins-new-season-set-Middle-East.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Daily Mail</a>. Only five years ago did the former senator dramatically rip off a black veil in Parliament, declaring: “I’m quite happy to remove this because it’s not what should belong in this Parliament. “In light of what is happening with national security… will you work to ban the burqa?’’ she said. Pauline isn't the first contentious public figure to appear on the reality show. The series has also seen the likes of Sam Burgess, Wayne Carey, host Ant Middleton, and more. Image: Getty

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